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[1] the deplorable state of the Washington, D.C. city government in the 1990s: [Here]
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Join Mark and Masher for VNN’s Free Talk Live tonight:
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[audio]
by Edgar J. Steele
June 14, 2007
My name is Edgar J. Steele. This is a Nickel Rant.
“Do anything you want! You can do anything! You can throw me in the water. You can throw me off the cliff. But please don’t throw me in the briar patch!” Thus pleaded Bre’r Rabbit, who had become stuck to the lump of tar dressed up in clothes and set out as a trap by Bre’r Bear.
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I-40 to Hensley exit leads you right down to the action.
I will be there since I missed my own!
Everybody’s welcome, same dress code as before, look sharp.
Rally’s from 1-3pm this Saturday, with pickets before (below).
Again, that’s the courthouse on Main.
Questions, contact organizer Ken Gregg at [email protected]
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World leaders: “Yes, master.”
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By Michael O’Meara
Translator’s Introduction: The Jews are our
misfortune. For more than 2000 years they weighed
like an incubus on European life. But not until the
20th century did they assume actual control of white
destinies. Their triumph over us had to await certain
basic changes in the way we live — specifically those
that came with the advent of liberalism and its
nihilistic assault on the higher values of the
European heritage.
Historically, liberalism was the ideology of the
rising bourgeoisie. The liberal revolutions of the
late 18th century and the concomitant industrial
revolution, both reflective of the bourgeois ethos,
made the market, with its “reign of quantity,”
dominant in much of the “Atlantic World.” In time,
the entire white West was drawn into its snare.
By the 1880s, in a period when Nietzsche had
diagnosed the spiritual crisis that came with
liberalism as a condition of “nihilism,” it was,
however, no longer simply homegrown capitalists who
were responsible for perpetuating its subversions.
Another agent — an alien one qualitatively more
deracinated, materialist, and predatory than native
white capitalists, especially in its orientation to
the financial rather than the productive side of
capitalism — had entered the scene.
The great 19th-century rebellion against the
nihilistic social forms associated with the
bourgeoisie and the Jews — against what Germans at
the time called “Judäoliberalismus” — took the form
of nationalism and socialism. The merger of these
two movements — beginning first in France in the
1890s and then soon thereafter in the German-speaking
lands, when elements from the revolutionary
anti-liberal wing of the labor movement joined forces
with elements from the revolutionary anti-liberal wing
of the nationalist right — would pose the most
consequential opposition to the modern Moloch. (See
Karlheinz Weissmann, Der Nationale Sozialismus:
Ideologie und Bewegung 1890-1933 [Munich, 1998]) It
was, accordingly, only in 1945 (some might say 1989) ,
when this counter-nihilistic movement was crushed,
that the Judeo-liberal forces were able to established
their unchallenged hegemony.
The following short excerpt from “La Fin du
Nihilisme,” written in a period when Hitler’s New
Order held out the prospect of a resurgence of
European life, ought to be of interest to VNN readers,
for it offers a view of our history that has been
largely purged from contemporary thought. — M.O.
La Fin du Nihilism: The French Revolution of 1789 was
the product of two converging, but fundamentally
different currents. The first, arising from the
people, was already present in the struggle of the
medieval communes, in the Albigensian resistance to
the Roman Church, in the peasant uprisings of the late
Middle Ages, and in certain facets of the Religious
Wars. The second current emerged from the materialist
and mercantile demands of the 18th century bourgeoisie
and the demagoguery of its Parliaments.
This second current, that of the merchant class, had
been cut off from the people for at least 150 years.
Its ideology was brought to France from England by
Montesquieu, Voltaire, and the Masonic Lodges and gave
voice to the dynamic, transformative character of
rising capitalism. Initially, liberalism demanded
only the abolition of antiquated economic statutes and
the reform of state institutions, demands made for the
sake of free trade and property rights. In time, it
called for freeing the bourgeoisie, the creators of
wealth, from all forms of aristocratic and monarchical
political domination. These demands were framed in
universalist terms that reflected not only the
egalitarian but the globalist pretensions of England’s
wealthy classes, particularly those of its Jews.
Previously, all the countries of the world had denied
the Jews citizenship. It was the French Revolution
that emancipated them and permitted them to play a
political role. For behind liberalism there lurked
Judaism.
Spurred by its ideologues, the Revolution of 1789
didn’t stop at imposing organizational forms native to
French popular tradition. The second current
prevailed. The revolutionary liberals endeavored thus
to create a universal democracy, a League of Nations
avant la lettre, based on . . . the “natural equality”
of all men and races. The result would be one of
confusion and disorder, for a liberty and an equality
indifferent to human and racial differences could not
but affront the laws of nature.
In its service to the new bourgeois plutocracy,
liberalism ushered in the age of money. Its principle
of free trade thus subordinated men to blind, amoral,
uncontrollable economic forces. Its monetary powers
subjugated small nations to powerful, wealthy ones.
Its liberty detached men from society, desocializing
man and dissolving society. And on the ruins of the
ancient sovereign states it destroyed, it gave pride
of place to the International Banker. . .
Amidst the anarchy this fostered, power became the
occult force of a small, coherent minority. The Jews
alone were able to benefit from this world delivered
over to the rule of money. Political power became
thus their supreme instrument, world domination their
avowed goal, wealth and venality their means of
success. Race, Disraeli said in 1880, is the key to
history. Eternally persecuted, but animated and
united by blood ties like no other race, even though
it is not a race, Israel derives from this persecution
its pride and will. “Antisemitism continues to grow,”
Theodore Herzl writes, “because its sources continue
to exist and will never be suppressed. . .” All the
problems posed by liberalism’s evolution since 1789 —
the reign of gold, the decomposition of democracy, the
preeminence of the financial powers, the emasculation
of the Western spirit — all, in the deepest sense,
are attributable to the prevalence of the Jews.
Source: André Mahé and George Soulés. La Fin du
Nihilism. Paris: F. Sorlot, 1943.
