Chapter IX:
Muderers ------------------------------------------------------------------
(page 158)
One of the most important weapons of Jewry in the struggle
to obscure and camouflage its true nature, is the Jewish joke.
Jewry officially denies the existence of psychic racial distinctions and
wants to see the study of race limited to purely exterior, physical traits
[these days, of course, Jewry has reached such dizzy heights in its
ascendancy, that it now denies the existence of race per se!].
Unofficially, whispering-behind-its-hand, so to speak, it is conceded that
Jews have their peculiarities, and it is precisely the Jewish joke which
serves as their revelation.
Many of these jokes are awkward, others
tasteless, much has been borrowed from other peoples and correspondingly
re-worked. But they all have one thing in common: to make the Jew out to
be an essentially harmless, if sometimes ridiculous, person.
Individual features of the Jewish character are derided -- clumsy
familiarity, impudence, an impertinent nature, eccentric dialectics,
greed, cowardliness, bodily uncleanliness, haggling, Talmudic narrow-
mindedness -- but the Jewish joke never penetrates to the kernel of the
Jewish essence. For it is just in this that the significance lies, that
the emphasis upon minor things diverts [the attention] from the essential.
This tactic is not accidental, rather it is employed by Jewry over and
over again: the basis for discussion is fobbed off onto more favorable
ground. A characteristic example is furnished by Soviet "self-criticism":
in newspapers, etc., small grievances are sharply and continually
criticized in order to avoid discussion of the true cause -- Jewish
Bolshevism.
The image of the Jew propagated in the Jewish joke -- a
crooked-legged, haggling cadger, peddler or businessman -- has become one
of the greatest successes of Jewry: it is hard not to laugh at many Jewish
jokes; but whatever one laughs about, one can neither hate nor fear, and
contempt cripples the will to fight. The goal is therefore attained -- the
Jew appears as a ridiculous creature and behind his disdained petty
crookedness disappears that in Jewry which is truly dangerous: the greed
for economic, political and cultural power in the host nation, for the
subordination of the host population [159]
under the will and the interests of Jewry. The Jew is not a ridiculous,
but a dangerous creature.
The image of the hook-nosed,
gesticulating, waddling, cheating and defrauding Jew has done its job also
with many of those who are opponents of Jewry. They do not doubt that the
Jew is capable of any swindle, any fraud, any crookedness, but they deny
him the capacity for physical violence. To the question: "Are there Jewish
thugs or even murderers?" one almost always hears the answer:
"No!"
The reality is something entirely different -- the Jew is
capable of any act, if his own interests or those of his race are served
thereby.
In Vienna, there is a magazine published by the police:
Öffentlichheit Sicherheit [Public Safety], which among other
things puts out "circulars and wanted posters" about internationally
sought criminals. We page through the last few volumes. If we limit
ourselves to the murderers who are without any doubt Jews, we
find:
Markus Goldmanovitch, born 1906 in South Russia, auto
dealer. Murdered Marie Bernadotte Prunier in Sens (France). Fugitive.
(Öffentlichheit Sicherheit, 1934, Nr. 10.)
Alexander
Kaminski, born in Connecticut (USA), parents are Polish Jews.
Twenty-five years old, dangerous criminal and murderer, who ruthlessly
resorts to weapons. Fugitive. (Öffentlichheit Sicherheit, 1935, Nr.
3.)
Harry Brown, 53 years old, Polish Jew. Murderer and
arsonist. Fugitive. (Öffentlichheit Sicherheit, 1935, Nr.
18.)
Alexander Kölner, Hungarian Jew from Budapest. Killed
one of the prisoners while in jail. Fugitive.(Öffentlichheit
Sicherheit, 1936, Nr. 3.)
It is not the Jewish way, to kill
someone out of jealousy, or out of rage; the Jews have a different way of
killing someone who displeases them. The Jewish murderer kills out of
calculation and with cold reflection.
As an example, let the story
be related here of the murder commited by Fritz Saffran (1) in
connection with arson and insurance fraud, which created a great sensation
a few years ago in East Prussia.
In the East Prussian city of
Rastenburg, there is a furniture business which belongs to a certain
Platz. The owner of the business feels that he's becoming old, he wants to
share the burden of running the business with a younger man, and with this
in mind, he marries his daughter to a Fritz Saffran, the son of a
Jewish cattle dealer, of whom [160] it is
claimed that he is a skilful businessman. Saffran is tall and heavy-set,
with a high forehead; behind horn-rimmed glasses are cold gray eyes, his
lips are thin, and he is around thirty years old.
At first it seems
as though the old furniture dealer had made the right choice -- Saffran is
a clever, intelligent, energetic merchant, and the business does well.
Saffran knows people throughout the city, he's a reputable citizen though
completely modern in his appearance and in his conduct of
business.
A bit too "modern," for Saffran is a liar, a swindler, a
deceiver -- soon things begin to go worse and worse for him. Within a very
short time he has run the business into the ground, debts on top of debts
have piled up, credit debt accumulated, liabilities taken on whose
redemption is impossible for the business to meet. Already, in 1928, the
firm is on the brink of ruin, and only with effort, with the help of loans
gotten here and there, does it succeed in keeping its head above water.
The chief clerk of the firm, a man named Kipnik, knows all that's going
on, but the old man Platz has no inkling of what his son-in-law has done
with his company. Equally blind is Saffron's wife; he has been unfaithful
to her for a long time and is maintaining a love affair with the office
clerk Augustin, a lanky, dynamic person who is employed by the firm. The
three -- Saffran, Kipnik, Augustin -- are good actors, and no one in the
city, in the business, or in the family notices the least thing
wrong.
Saffran carries things further and further. He keeps
presenting the same, identical delivery contract to his creditors as
security. He raises money on securities several times, he forges purchase
contracts and their signatures, and he also falsifies the balance sheet.
The firm's liabilities, according to the balance sheet, reach 285,000
Marks -- the business is finally ruined. Experts are later able to
determine that not less than three hundred seventy-five contracts and
eighteen notes have been forged by Saffran.
The situation can no
longer continue, but Saffran is not at a loss for a way out. He insures
his life with five different companies for 200,000 Marks. The plan of the
criminal trio is now set: fire will be set to the furniture business, and
amongst the wreckage a body shall be found which will be recognized as
that of Saffran. Then the insurance companies will have to pay, and then
the three will again have money in profusion.
Only one thing is
missing -- a male body. But Saffran finds no great hurdle in this -- at
night [161] one meets so many solitary men
wandering the streets, that it should not be hard to kill
someone.
In the summer of 1930, the situation becomes ever more
threatening; the flood of notes rises higher and higher. Now the three go
on a manhunt, together in an automobile or also separately. However, the
matter proves to be rather difficult. Sometimes they drive the whole night
through without meeting anyone. Another time, they succeed in enticing a
man into the car, but the victim defends himself and escapes.
On 12
September, Saffran and Kipnik again go hunting for a man, while Augustin,
who otherwise likes to participate, this time remains at home. Along their
way, they meet a bicyclist, the twenty-six-year-old milker, Dahl. They
stop him, shoot the unsuspecting man with their pistols, and roll the body
into a carpet. The bicycle and the bag of the murdered man are hidden in
the woods. They put the body, still in the same night, in the storeroom of
the furniture business. Saffran's gold watch and keys are stuck in the
pockets of the victim, Saffran's rings are placed on his fingers,
Saffran's gold collar studs are fastened to his shirt. Now all is ready;
on the night of Sunday, the 15th of September, the fire is supposed to be
set, all the business books and the body of the murdered man are supposed
to burn up.
At about one o'clock in the morning Saffran and Kipnik
pour benzene all over the place and set it afire. Saffran immediately
hides at Augustin's, but Kipnik stays in the vicinity.
It doesn't
take long before the building is in bright flames. The fire department
rushes there, the police appear, a dense crowd of people surrounds the
fire. In their midst stands Kipnik, wringing his hands. With a voice
interrupted by sobbing, he tells them all that he had seen Saffran in the
building in the glow from the fire, and Saffran had plunged into the fire
in order to save the business's books -- but he had not come back
out.
The building burns to the walls. Under the wreckage a body is
found. Watch, collar studs, keys, everything proves that it is Saffran,
who risked his life for the sake of the firm and met his death because of
it -- a victim of his sense of duty.
Saffran stays hidden with
Augustin for two days, then he travels homeward to Berlin. But he is
observed at this and recognized. The news that Saffran is alive spreads
like wildfire. The monstrous fraud and nefarious crime are
discovered.
[162] Saffran hides at a
relative's of Augustin and for an entire month long he doesn't leave the
house. He learns Spanish and English, for he wants to go overseas. He
grows a full beard and believes that no one will recognize him. But fate
wills it otherwise. He boards the train at Spandau, in order to flee
abroad, when a conductor who once was in Rastenburg recognizes him despite
his beard. He alerts the police, and in Wittenberg, as Saffran is about to
drink a cup of coffee, the heavy hand of a police officer falls on his
shoulder. . .
The jury-court at Bartenstein condemns Saffran and
Kipnik to death on 26 March 1931, while Augustin is sentenced to five
years in prison.
In giant cities like New York and Chicago, Jewry
finds a rich field of activity for its criminal talents. Today it may be
taken to be an established fact that the notorious "American gangsters"
are predominantly Jews [Although in the U.S., organized crime has been and
is associated in the public mind with Italian immigrants -- mostly
Sicilians and Neapolitnas -- and their descendants, as is characteristic
with so many other Jewish criminal operations, the financial "brains," and
thus the true power and control, of many crime organization structures in
the U.S. turn out to be Jewish.], who lead an organized fght against the
order of law in the United States. That they make use of various
cover-names is, for us, already a well-known and customary Jewish
trick.
For example, Asbury(1) tells many a
typical and interesting fact in his history of the New York
Underworld.
One of the most famous American Underworld figures, a
gang leader and murderer, was the son of a Jewish restauranteur, Eduard
Ostermann, who later called himself Monk Eastman. He had a head
which looked like a cannon ball, strongly veined, heavy jowls, a bull-like
neck with countless scars. His nasal bone had been broken, his hair was
always shaggy and unkempt; on the top of his head perched a little hat,
his clothes were messy, cheap and dirty.
When he was twenty years
old, his father bought him a pet shop but the tendency toward laziness and
for crime was too strong -- Eastman became a bouncer in a disreputable
bar. Armed with a club and a cudgel, he kept "order" in the pub. He was an
outstanding boxer, and when one of the guests became contentious, Eastman
"pacified" him with a couple of skilfull punches, with his club, or --
when nothing else would work, a beer bottle. He boasted that during the
first six months on the job, he had knocked in the skulls of over fifty
men -- and the nearby outpatient clinic, where his victims were taken,
received the nick-name "Eastman Pavilion."
[163] After a short time he gave up his job as a
bouncer, for higher goals were beckoning him. As a pure Jew, he was
enormously dynamic, never lacked for money, and he had his fingers in a
thousand enterprizes. He had a share in bordellos and gambling parlors,
worked as a wholesale procurer, had drawn up an entire organization for
the protection of "his" streetwalkers, led theft and burglary gangs, took
on assignments to beat up or even the murder of unpopular personalities,
and also occupied himself in between times as a fence -- in short, he was
a universal genius of the Underworld. His special interest was "politics."
He enjoyed the best relations with Tammany Hall, the "democratic"
organization which for decades played a decisive role in New York and its
administration, for both parties got their money's worth with this
arrangement: Eastman put his fists and the revolvers of his gang at the
disposal of Tammany Hall, in return for which, however, he could count on
being rescued in case he were arrested.
It was the time when the
first automobiles were appearing. Eastman's criminal astuteness knew how
to appreciate the significance of this new invention, and the new
technique of the gang assault: several bandits show up in stolen cars,
there is a hail of bullets, the robbery or murder is carried out with
lightning speed, and then the criminals vanish. Later, this procedure was
perfected, in that machine guns came into use.
His criminal
activity lasted for years, until his high patron let the too badly
compromised criminal go, and this happened in the following way. Eastman
and one of his accomplices had taken on a murder assignment. But the man,
having been attacked, defended himself, a policeman rushed to his aid,
shooting broke out and Eastman, struck down with a rubber truncheon, was
arrested. He tried to bring his "connections" into play, he did indeed
receive help, and in 1904 he got (only!) a prison sentence of several
years.
After five years Eastman was released -- so exemplary is his
conduct supposed to have been. He wanted to organize his gang again, but
he did not succeed in meeting the challenge of the younger men who had
snatched the leadership away during his "absence." Eastman now sank to the
level of pickpocket, burglar and drug dealer. Several times he had to
serve small sentences and landed in jail. In September 1917 he was
arrested for brawling, and in custody Eastman discovered his patriotic
American heart -- he resolved to fight the "Huns," and participate in the
World War.
[164] His conduct as a
soldier was good, and in the year 1919 his civil rights, of which he had
been deprived by the Court, were restored. He swore never again to commit
a crime and the police even procured for him a small position which made
it possible for him to lead a peaceful life. A touching happy ending for
the Jewish criminal.
The harmony of this conclusion to his life,
however, was impaired by the fact that Eastman was murdered on 26 December
1920. For, despite his oath, furthermore, he was selling drugs again and
he fell into an argument with one of his clients, in which he was
murdered.
The successor of Eastman in the leadership of his gang
was the Jew William Alberts, called Jack Zelig.
He
was a slight young boy with enormous brown, somewhat startlingly piercing
eyes. At fourteen years of age, he was a pickpocket, got caught several
times but was never convicted: his appearance was so child-like, that he
succeeded in convincing the judge of his innocence. Later he employed the
following trick with great results: during the Court proceedings, some
woman would turn up, just as delicate, pretty, and full of innocence as he
himself, and she would implore the Court to spare "the father of my
children" and not to send him to prison. . .
This was the man who
took over Eastman's gang. His most intimate assistants at this were three
Jews, Harry Horrowitz ("Gyp the Dashing"), a famous bouncer,
sharp-shooter and bomb-thrower; he boasted that he was able to put any man
across his knee and break his spine that way; Jakob Seidenschnur
("Whitely Louis") was also a thug who used beatings and the revolver,
while Louis Rosenberg ("Lefty Louis") was mainly a thief.
The special interest to which this gang devoted itself was the
gambling 'hells,' and their specific method was to foster and protect the
richer ones in return for a certain indemnity, but they held up and robbed
the poorer ones. That was a profitable and dangerous business. The owners
of the little "joints" did not have enough money to secure for themselves
the protection of a gang or to bribe police officials; there, they
actually stood defenseless.
For years Zelig earned huge money in
this manner, until death caught up with him, too. He had a violent feud
with Rosenthal, the Jewish owner of a gambling hell. The enmity
went so far that Zelig decided upon the death of Rosenthal. One day,
Rosenthal was in the Hotel "Metropol" on Broadway and was eating his
evening meal. A well-dressed man stepped up to him and said that someone
wanted [165] to speak to him on the street.
Rosenthal's clients were of the sort that avoids bright lights. Without
suspicion, he walked outside. Zelig and his bandits were waiting for him
out on the street. They killed him with several shots and fled in an
automobile. Yet Zelig did not survive this triumph for very long: a short
time afterwards a competitor, the Jew Phil Davidson, shot him down
as he was about to leave a street car.
In the chronicle of
criminality of New York, one can find countless Jewish names. Let us name
just the gang leaders: Johnny Spanish, Johnny Lewinsky,
Tanner Snith (Goldschmidt), Jakob Dropper (Nathan Kaplan),
Louis Kuschner (Cohen), Jack Organ (Klein), Salomon
Shapira, Sam Epstein, Izy Presser, Harry Stein
(the murderer of the woman of the demi-monde, Vivian Gordon). It
serves no purpose to examine their misdeeds any more closely. It is always
the same: paid assaults, alcohol and drug smuggling, procuring, corruption
of officials, fencing, robbery and murder.
Here, in the Underworld
of New York, free to develop itself, the "comic" nature of the Jew reveals
itself in its true, horrendous shape.
Not only greed for money, but
greed for power is the mainspring of the Jewish criminal. For him,
therefore, the money is but a means to an end, a means for the obtaining
of power over men. The Jew is neither "comical" nor merely
"materialistic." He is, first amd foremost, "political," but in the sense
of a boundless drive for power, which shrinks from nothing in order to
attain the desired goal.
So it is no wonder that Jews again and
again appear as murderers in political mask. The infamous assassinations
of modern times have been perpetrated by Jews -- a fact that, up to the
present day has been overlooked only too willingly.
For example, it
is almost completely unknown that the murderer of the American President
MacKinley was the Jew Leo Czolgosz, in collaboration with the
Jewess Emma Goldmann. Let her be recalled to memory once again(1).
On 6
September 1901, Presdient MacKinley arranged a reception on the
occasion of the Pan-American Exhibition in Buffalo. According to
American custom, the citizens have the right to shake the hand of the
President at such public receptions, at which they walk up to him, [166] one behind the other. In the line of those
waiting, a "young, well-dressed man in a frock coat and top hat" (as the
papers then were able to report) also approached the President. He held a
handkerchief in his left hand, while with his right hand he gripped
MacKinley's hand. Suddenly, with a revolver hidden under the handkerchief
he fired off two shots at the President at point-blank range, which had
frightful effects. The perpetrator was the Polish Jew Leon
Czolgosz, who had travelled to Buffalo alone, in order to convert the
plan which had been previously precisely decided upon with his Jewish
accomplice, Emma Goldmann, into action.
On 14 Spetember,
MacKinley succumbed to his critical wounds, and on 24 September the jury
found the assassin guilty; two days later the decision of the Court was
announced that condemned Czolgosz to death in the electric
chair.
The Jewish murderer of MacKinley was well-known to the
American police. In the album of criminals of the United States, there
already was a comprehensive description of his personal data; the
newspaper Post of 21 September 1901 discovered very interesting
details from this:
"Leon Czolgosz, alias Frank Niemann. Father of
the criminal is of Polish (!) nationality. Residence in Cleveland. The
assassin grew up in an area there which is especially strongly infected by
Anarchism, found his life as a simple wire-worker too arduous and
therefore found a way to live differently. He took over a bar in which an
Anarchist club was established. He then knocked about in many
cities, but most of all in Chicago. Here, his involvement with other
Anarchists, especially with Emma Goldmann, was noted. This woman, despite
her extremely unsympathetic character, seems to have made a great
impression upon Czolgosz. He explicitly stated that he was spurred on to
his crime by the speeches and letters of this woman. Since it is known
that the murder of the King of Italy (Humbert) was hatched in Paterson
[sic -- perhaps this should be Patterson (NJ)], the murder of the
President thus appears to be only a further link in the chain of such
crimes."
These facts indicate that President MacKinley fell victim
to the Anarchist-Jewish clique, led by the Jewess Goldmann and her
accomplice Czolgosz, who liquidated their "sentenced-to-death" target with
as coldness as calculation.
But who still remembers that the
founder of the German Reich, Otto von Bismarck, but for a
narrow margin, would have likewise fallen victim to a Jewish
murderer?
[167] The assassin who
attempted Bismarck's life (1) was the
Jewish student Ferdinand Cohen, a step-son of the democratic writer
Karl Blind, who was then living as an emigrant in London, and who had a
leading role participating in the Baden revolt of 1849. The murderous
attack took place shortly before the outbreak of the Prussian-Austrian
war, in which Bismarck was seen as the most hated man in Prussia, above
all as a consequence of the conflict with the Landtag [state
legislature]. When, on the afternoon of 07 May 1866, after a talk with
King Wilhelm I on the central promenade of the "Linden," he
returned to his apartment on the Wilhelmstraße, Cohen, who was at
the corner of Shadowstraße, shot twice at the unsuspecting man from
behind and at point blank range; only one bullet grazed him on the side --
and, as Bismarck quickly turned around, he shot a third time. That shot
wounded him lightly in the right shoulder. After Bismarck succeeded in
seizing Cohen by the right wrist, the latter switched the revolver to his
left hand with lightning speed and fired twice more; the first of the two
shots missed Bismarck, but the second bruised his ribs. As if by a
miracle, Bismarck remained almost unscathed. He was now able to hand over
the assassin to several officers and soldiers who happened to be marching
past, and they delivered him to jail. During the same night, Cohen took
his own life. In one letter, written to his step-father before the crime,
he had declared he wanted to kill Bismarck because he saw in him the
"worst foe of German freedom." Whether he was acting from his own
impulses, or who his controller behind the scenes might have been, could
no longer be discovered due to his suicide.
What would have become
of Germany, had the bullets of this Jew reached their target?! Probably
the same thing which became of Austria-Hungary after the murder of Count
Stürkgh, and of Russia after the murder of the Minister-President Stolypin
by the Jews Adler and Bogrov.
In the middle of the war, on 21
October 1916, the Minister-President of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy,
Count Stürkgh, was shot by the Jewish Marxist Friedrich
Adler, the son of the founder of the Austrian Social Democracy, Viktor
Adler. Scarcely two years later, the Austro-Hungarian state
collapsed.
The murder of Minister-President Count Stürkgh by the
Jew Adler was of decisive significance for the tragic history of
Austria-Hungary. The Jewish-Marxist Revolution followed the Jewish [168] acts of assassination and the establishment of
the Jewish rulership of the so-called "Austro-Marxism" in
Vienna.
The Jew Adler was, beyond all sense, commuted to 18 years
of imprisonment, a sign of the full extirpation of the concept of law and
of political consciouness in Austria. His racial comrades liberated him,
of course, in 1918, and he was unanimously chosen, in triumph, to be
Chairman of the Austrian Social-Democratic party! This unhanged Jewish
murderer thereupon immediately developed an extraordinary industriousness
at the pursuit of the Jewish plans for world power. He organized the
so-called "Two-and-a-half Internationale," which stood between the 2nd and
the 3rd Internationale. He performed handyman services for his Bolshevist
racial comrades Aron Cohn (Bela Kun) and Szamuely during their bloody rule
in Budapest and played a leading role in the infamous Conference of the
Three Internationales in Berlin in 1922. The union of the 2nd with the
Two-and-a-half Internationale in the so-called "Socialist Workers'
Internationale," at whose first congress in Hamburg this Jewish felon was
elected General Secretary, is ascribed to his personal influence.
Friedrich Adler occupied this position unhampered for years -- a Jew on
whose hands clung not only the blood of the murdered Minister-President
Count Stürkgh, but also the blood of numberless victims of the
Judeo-Bolshevist Terror in the world.
It is superfluous to mention
that Friedrich Adler was already playing a prominent role in the Social
Democracy of Austria before his crime of murder, namely as
Secretary of the Party. In this capacity he was openly commiting treason,
whose crowning moment was the murder of Stürkgh.
It is almost
incomprehensible that the murder of Count Stürkgh by a Jew has been given
so little attention right up to the present, all the more incomprehensible
when one considers that a short time thereafter, the Hungarian
Minister-President during the World War, Stefan Tisza, was also
murdered by a Jew.
Various attempts at assassination were made by
Jews against the Count Stefan Tisza (1) (born 22
April 1861), who was Hungarian Minister-President from October 1903 to
June 1905 and then again from June 1913 to May 1917, and who very
forcefully opposed democratic suffrage; for Jewry, which for centuries had
understood how to win for itself [169] all
leading positions of intellectual life in Hungary, saw its chief foe in
Tisza. The first assassination attempt occurred on 07 June 1912 in
the Budapest parliamentary hall, by a Hungarian Reichstag deputy,
the Jew Julius Kovacz, when Tisza in his capacity as
Reichstag President had exerted himself with energetic resolve to
break the continuing obstruction of the opposition party. The shots
missed, and the would-be assassin was deliberately acquitted by a Budapest
jury-court. In June of 1918, Tisza's murder was decided upon by the most
extreme left wing of the Hungarian Social Democratic Party -- which
included, among others, the Jews Paul Kéri, Otto Korwin-Klein, Dr.
Eugene Lásslo (actually: Levy) and Dr. Landler. The first attempt to
execute the decision was the -- likewise unsuccessful -- attempt of the
Jew Johann Lekai-Leitner, one of the disciples, filled with
anarchist ideas, of the subversive Karolyi Party. As Tisza was leaving the
Budapest House of Deputies on 16 October 1918, Lekai was waiting on
the street to shoot down the Count with a revolver, which was, however,
able to be knocked out of his hand in time. Although Tisza still remained
unharmed this time as well, two weeks later his fate, which he had already
expected for so long, overtook him at last: already, at the news of
Stürkgh's murder, he had declared: "I believed that I would be the first."
The instigator of the murder was the already mentioned 39-year-old
journalist Paul Kéri, who was a friend of the bitterest political
enemy of Tisza, the Minister-President of the government after the
overthrow, Michael Karolyi. He first arranged the plan with the later
President of the Military Council, Emerich Csernyák, and acquired several
sailors for carrying out the crime. On the morning of 31 October 1918, the
day of the overthrow of the government in Hungary, the Jew Marcell
Gaertner, a 37-year-old chemist, proceeded to Tisza's Budapest Villa,
Roheim, and personally sought out the Count in order to use the
opportunity to scout out the scene of the crime. In the afternoon, all the
conspirators assembled in the Budapest Hotel "Astoria," where Kéri
informed them about the vicinity of the crime. Then they went by two cars
to the scene of the crime. While the two Jews kept themselves well away
at a safe distance -- Kéri remained on the street,
Gaertner in the lobby -- four soldiers, the Navy Sergeant Stefan
Dobó, the midshipman Tibor Sztanyikovsky and the sailors Theodor Horvát-
Szanovics and Josef Pogány, entered the room, engaged the Count, who
fearlessly confronted them, in a short conversation and then shot him down
with their weapons at the side of his wife. The overthrow, the government
of Karolyi, and then the [170] Bolshevist
Soviet regime in 1919 made any clearing up of the murder and a prosecution
of the perpetrators impossible at first. It was just in the Fall of 1919
that some of them were arrested. At the trial before the military
divisional court in Budapest (02 August - 15 September 1920), the soldiers
involved, Dobó and Sztanyikovsky, were condemned to death by the rope
(Czernyák, Horvát-Szanovics and Pogány had escaped abroad), at a following
trial before the Budapest Criminal Court, proceedings were started against
the civilian perpetrators (12 April - 05 October 1921). Kéri as the
instigator of the crime was likewise sentenced to death by hanging,
Gaertner as accomplice was sentenced to 14 years imprisonment. Kéri
was then later exchanged along with other Hungarian Communists for the
Hungarian officers, prisoners of war, who had been held as hostages by the
Soviet Union.
Unfortunately, a typical case; the Jewish murderer is
treated as a "political" criminal and escapes his punishment. In this case
it is all the more incomprehensible, when the connection between the
murder of the Minister-President Tisza by the Jew Kéri has a direct
connection with the establishment of the Judeo-Bolshevist regime of blood
of Bela Kun (Aron Cohns) which followed it in Budapest. The Jewish crime
of murder as prelude to the Judeo- Bolshevist overthrow of the government
-- that is a legal sequence of events.
So it was, also, in
Russia.
On 20 March 1911, the body of a boy was discovered by
children playing on a plot of undeveloped land on the edge of the city of
Kiev(1). It
was found in the sitting position, the hands were bound behind the back
with string. The body was dressed only in a shirt, underpants, and a
single sock. The body showed wounds, without any kind of blood traces
being found in the hole [The body was found in a excavated pit on grounds
which had been used as a source of clay and which therefore had many clay
pits; for a more detailed account of this and of other cases of alleged
Jewish ritual-murder, see Hellmut Schramm: Der jüdische Ritualmord:
Eine historische Untersuchung, 1943]. It soon turned out that the body
was that of the student of the first class of the Kiev church school,
Andrei Yuschinski. The forensic examination discovered the
following wounds on the body of the child: 7 puncture wounds on the upper
scalp and on the back of the head; 1 on the left temple, 13 on the right
temple; on the right side of the neck, 7, on the larynx, 2; beneath the
lower jaw, 1; on the right side beneath the armpit, 4; on the back, at the
right side between ribs and pelvis, 4; on the left side of the chest,
beneath the nipple, 7; on the sternum, 1: a total [171] of 47 stab wounds. The loss of blood from the
inflicted wounds was so great that the body was nearly empty of
blood.
The attempts of the Jews to mislead and cripple the
investigation began immediately. The investigation was first in the hands
of a certain Krassowski, who a year later was supposed to be arrested and
brought before the Court on charges of offenses against his official
duties. His predecessor, Mischtschuk, Director of the Kiev Criminal
Police, likewise fell into the clutches of Jewry and later was convicted
by the Senate on charges of forgeries and abuse of
office.
Menachil-Mendel Beylis was arrested only on 22 July.
Precious time had been lost during which the state organs had been
systematically led astray by the Jews. Thus, for example, the murdered
boy's own parents were arrested on 24 March on the basis of information
from the Jew Barschewski. After 14 days, they had to be released again
since their complete innocence could be proved. Directly after this, the
boy's uncle, Theodor Neyinski was accused by another Jew. Here, too, the
denunciation turned out to be totally without merit. During the trial
proceedings, even the defense of Beylis, which was in the hands of the
most celebrated attorneys of that time, had to frankly admit that the
relatives of the murdered boy were completely innocent of any part in the
crime.
Nevertheless, the Jews did not yet admit defeat. They
regarded the accusation against Beylis, as always in such cases, as an
accusation against Jewry as a whole, and pulled out all the stops to get
Beylis off. An endless series of briberies, threats, denunciations,
challenges, propaganda and interventions was put into play by them in
order to set the investigating authorities, the jurors, the judges, the
experts, but above all public opinion in Russia and in the entire world,
in favor of Beylis and against his "anti-Semitic enemies."
The
Jews invented ever newer versions. The unfortunate youngster was supposed
to have been murdered by three characters of the Underworld in the
residence of a woman, Vera Cheberak. This, too, was later shown to be a
lie, although the Jews offered Vera Cheberak 4000 Rubels for a
"voluntary confession."
It came out, namely through unimpeachable
testimony, that on 12 March 1911, toward 8:15 A.M., i.e., perhaps an hour
before the beginning of his matyrdom, the boy had been standing with some
playmates at the entrance to the Sayzev factory, and then from there began
to play with other playmates on the lot lying in front of it. The children
were startled by Beylis and [172] two other
Jews. They ran off in different directions; the boy Yuschinski, however,
was seized by Beylis and dragged off in the direction of the factory. It
seems extremely remarkable and suspicious that the two most important
eyewitnesses for Yuschinski having been dragged away by Beylis, Schenya
and Valya, died shortly after the arrest of Beylis. Beylis was arrested on
22 July: on 08 August Schenya died, and ten days later, Valya
--
Menachil-Mendel Beylis, 39 years old, was an empolyee of the
brick factory in whose ovenworks the crime almost certainly was committed.
The brickyard had formerly belonged to a rich Jew, Ion Mordkovitch Sayzev,
who had made his wealth, including the brickyard, over to the Jewish
surgical clinic. Until the death of Sayzev in 1907, Beylis enjoyed his
especial trust, since he, just like the old Jew, belonged to the sect of
the Hassidim. On behalf of old Sayzev, each year Mendel Beylis baked about
3000 pounds of matzot on Sayzev's estate in the presence of a
rabbi. Beylis belonged to the leading Jewish clique of rabbis and
schächter [= Jewish ritual-slaughterers] in Kiev. His friend,
Feifel Schneerson, who, as later developed, had been stalking Yuschinski,
also belonged to it. [The Schneerson dynasty of Hassidic rabbis produced
no less than three individuals who came under strong suspicion
and/or charges of ritual-murder over the course of two centuries. The late
Rabbi Menachem Schneerson, revered as a messianic figure by the world-wide
enclaves of his followers, died only recently -- around the turn of the
21st century -- and was a serious power broker to whom heads of state
deferred and gave a constant stream of brotherhood and humanitarian
awards, concessions, etc., etc., despite the rabbi's unequivocal position
in support of Jewish supremacy.] After the murder, Schneerson disappeared
without trace. Incidentally, he was a descendant of the famous Rabbi
Salomon Schneerson, one of the founders of the Hassidic sect. His father
was a schächter and a relative of rabbis.
The forensic
experts, the most outstanding experts in this field in pre-war Russia,
made the following report concerning the murder(1):
The
boy is pushed into the put in which clay is found. He receives some
punctures through his cap; however, as yet he does not lose consciousness.
He is seized and his hands held firmly. One of the murderers holds his
head and plugs his nose and mouth, while the other murderer inflicts
wounds in such places as are rich in blood supply. In particular, he
receives a puncture in the left temple which strikes the artery and
produces a fountain of blood. Directly after this his coat is pulled off
and his shirt collar removed and he receives 7 puncture wounds in the
neck, which strike veins as well as arteries. This again results in a
forceful outward gush of blood. The body of the victim is at this point
somewhat inclined to the left. There is now a pause of 5 to 8 minutes
during which the boy is bleeding [173] to
death. He loses 5½ glasses of blood, i.e., about 1½ kg. The victim then
receives some further lethal punctures into the liver and kidneys and
finally a stab into the heart.
Only the Petersburg surgeon Pavlov,
who had obviously been bribed by the Jewish defense, gave a dissenting
report. It suffices to indicate that Pavlov used the following expression
in his expert opinion: "Herr Yuschinski, this young man -- had a somewhat
comical wound inflicted in the region of his waist. . ." Of the
theological experts, only the Catholic Prelate Pranaitis dared to speak of
the fact that in the Jewish books on law ritual-murder is dealt
with.
At the 34th session, on 28 October 1913, two questions were
put to the jurors. The first question asked whether it was proven that on
12 March 1911 in Kiev, in a room of the brick factory which belonged to
the Jewish surgical clinic, and which was under the management of the
merchant Markus Sayzev, the thirteen-year-old boy Andrei Yuschinski first
received a series of wounds, by which he lost five glasses of blood, and
later new wounds, for a total of 47, which produced a nearly complete
exsanguination and finally caused his death. The second question asked, if
the above was proven, whether then the accused Menachil-Mendel Baylis,
from motives of religious fanaticism, with forethought and deliberation,
and with the participation of other persons who could not be discovered,
had committed this crime.
The jurors said yes to the first question
and no to the second. Thus ended the trial with the finding of tbe crime,
but without determining the criminal.
The question concerning the
perpetrator has remained unanswered to the present day. As with all
ritual-murder trials of more recent times, the Jews have been not been
able in this case, either, to produce proof of their innocence. That, in
actuality, is a proof of their guilt, since at least in the case of Beylis
they had unlimited means at their disposal, and beyond that, the sympathy
of the entire misled public and also the full support of the police and
the judicial investigative authorities, who regretably were only too
little "anti-Semitic" in attitude.
Some years later, Jewry
nevertheless subsequently furnished proof of its guilt and its evil
conscience. All persons who had participated in the trial as judges, as
officials of the state attorney's office, as members of the administration
of justice or who otherwise acted in the trial against Beylis, were shot
immediately after the seizure of power by the Bolshevists without any
judicial procedure. While Menachil Beylis enjoyed his pension as "martyr
of Jewry" in peace and quiet [174] in
Palestine, the prosecuting attorneys Wipper and Schalpliski, the Kiev
President of the Court, Boldyrev, the judges Yevashoff and Vigura and the
Justice Minister Zheglovitov, fell to the bullets of the Jewish Cheka. The
defense cousel of Beylis, the Jews Grusenberg and Sarudny, on the other
hand, were appointed to the Senate by the government of the half-Jew
Kerensky. Andrei Yuschinski, the martyr of the Russian people in its
stuggle against Jewry, had been long forgotten. And who today thinks of
this thirtenn-year-old Russian youngster, who bled out his life under
unspeakable torture at the hands of the Jewish
ritual-slaughterers?!
The Minister-President of the Russian Empire,
Stolypin, fell as the first victim of the Jewish "revenge for
Beylis."
Stolypin came to Kiew when the struggle over Beylis had
reached its peak. In the eyes of the Jewish murderers, he was the most
important obstacle which stood in the way of their criminal desires. He
was "guilty" of the fact that the Russian government had dared to charge a
Jew with murder. Stolypin had to die so that Beylis and the Jews could
"live."
Up to the present day, the murder of Stolypin is been
presented in a totally distorted manner. No one till now believes it
necessary to call attention to the crucial fact that his murderer
Dmitri Bogroff was in reality the Jew Mordko. Let us try to
determine the true facts of the case(1).
On
the evening of 01 September 1911, the victor of the Revolution of 1905,
the creator of the revolutionary Russian peasant reforms, the
Minister-President Peter Stolypin was murdered by two shots from a
revolver while at the Czar's side, during a gala performance in the Kiev
city theater. The assassin was arrested at the scene; it was the Jew
Dmitri Bogroff.
The enormous Russian Empire was shaken to its
foundations by this act. Stolypin was the great hope of the nation. He had
found the way to lead the Empire between reaction and revolution, along
the the road to reform, recovery and the national new order. He was a
political personality [175] of the caliber of
Bismarck, this powerful man with the broad shoulders, who seemed to be but
lightly bowed from the burden of the huge historic responsibility. Three
attempts to murder him had already been committed, the last on 12 August
1906, at which several dozen innocent bystanders had been killed.
Revolutionaries incited by the Jews had thrown a bomb at his country
house. The balcony on which the Minister-President was drinking tea with
his family plunged far below. He himself remained unwounded, but two of
his children were crippled from thence forward. But the constant threat to
his life could not divert him from his path. He knew that he was a man
consecrated to death and nonetheless did his duty.
How did this
murder come about, why did it happen in Kiev in particular? The
best explanation is furnished by some sobering figures.
The number
of inhabitants of Kiev in the year 1874 amounted to 127,000, among
which there were 14,000 Jews. In 1910, a year before the murder,
the population figures for Kiev had grown to 470,000, of which 51,000 --
11% -- were Jews. Then came the murder, the Revolution, and the
breakthrough of the Jews into power. Until 1926, the total
population figure for Kiev remained essentially stable (1926 =
493,873), but the number of Jews had climbed to approximately three times
what it had been, to 140,256 -- i.e., 28.4%. Today [ca.
1937], accoding to official Soviet figures, the percentage of the
populace which belongs to Jewry has climbed to 35%, but actually
probably amounts to at least 50%(1).
These
few numbers say it all. Jewry has beseiged and finally conquered Kiev. It
has won the breakthrough-battle in Southern Russia and occupied the old
capital of the Holy Russian Empire. Where are the approximately 100,000
non-Jews, whose places in Kiev have been taken by Jews? They have been
supplanted, driven out, exiled, shot and starved to death. Then, in
1911, the national struggle against Jewry, the defense of the
people against the incursions of the Jews, had reached its zenith. The
Jews had already occupied the most important positions of power in public
life and the economy in Kiev. The masses of the people put up ever more
fierce resistance. The Jews responded with revolutionary agitation, with
"exproriations," with terror, [176] with crime
and murder. Beylis was the first Chekist, who fed on the torment of his
helpless victim, the young Yuschinski. Later, the Checkist leaders Laziß,
Schwarzmann and Luponitz followed; they no longer needed a "symbolic"
victim of a ritual-murder; into the place of the "substitute" stepped the
entire Russian and Ukranian people.
In the act of ritual-murder,
the Jew kills his victim (as in hostage-murder) in
"respresentation" of all non-Jews, over whom he does not yet have power;
in the Cheka- murder [i.e., murder by the Soviet secret police], he
makes real his "ritual." The murder of a hostage is a secularized
ritual-murder; Cheka-murder is mass ritual-murder actualized, and the
ritual-murder is an anticipated and vicariously enjoyed
Checka-murder.
Thus it was in Kiev. The gate to the fortress had to
be blown open -- that was taken care of by Mordko-Bogroff with the shots
from his revolver.
Already, after his sentencing, on 10 September
Bogroff delivered to the Colonel of the Ochrana Ivanoff a "final
confession" written by his own hand, in which he explained in detail that
he had been active in service to the Ochrana for long years, and had
played the role of a provacateur for a regular monthly payment of
100 Rubels; but this informant role of his had been discovered by
the revolutionary Anarcho-Communists and he was given a deadline of 05
Spetember, after which the sentence of death was to be carried out on him
by his comrades. In his desperation, he had wavered between suicide and a
crime by which to rehabilitate himself, and at last decided to perform a
sensational assassination; thanks to the favorable circumstance that he
had received a card of admittance into the theater, he had carried out the
murder of Stolypin. In other words, he had been for years a collaborator
of the Ochrana and had committed the murder in this capacity.
This
post-judicial "confession" of Bogroff had the effect that a storm of
outrage over the criminal methods of the Ochrana swept through all of
Russia and through the entire world, outrage over the "bloody Ochrana,"
which itself bred the criminals whom it pretended to fight. -- Opinion was
and is "unanimous" in believing that Minister-Preseident Stolypin was
killed by the Ochrana itself, for whatever dark and impenetrable reasons.
The whole depravity and corruption of the Czarist system was thereby
demonstrated for all time.
Considering all this, what does the
truth about Bogroff appear to be?
Dmitri Bogroff was born on
29 January 1887, the son of a Jewish landlord and attorney, who had at his
disposal assets of about 1 Million Marks and who played a considerable
role in [177] Kiev society. The father belonged
to the left wing of the Constitutional-Democratic Party. His son Dmitri
received a very good education; In 1905 and 1906, he studied at the
University of Munich. In 1908, Dmitri was in Meran, Leipzig and Paris, in
February 1910 he took the final bar examination, travelled to the Riviera
and then, in February 1911, began his practice in the office of the
attorney Goldenweiser in Kiev.
It is clearly evident from this
short biography that the Jew Bogroff hadn't the remotest thing to do
either with the "working class" or with Socialism, that he led the life of
a well-to-do Jewish intellectual. In the last period of his life, his
father also transferred to him the management of the property in Kiev, so
that Dmitri in no sense experienced any sort of material need.
Nonetheless, as was proven and admitted, he entered the service of the
Ochrana, which he justified in his later "confession" by the fact that he
still wanted to have a "certain sum of money beyond" what he already had.
From the Ochrana, he received 100 - 150 Rubels monthly. He worked
for them for about 2½ years, and under the names Alemsky and
Mordko.
That is the first apparently unexplained contradiction in
the behavior of the Jew Bogroff. He certainly was not in need of the money
from the Ochrana. Why, then, did he enter its service?
Dmitri
Bogroff descibed himself as a follower of the Anarcho-Communists, who took
the position that the entire state and economic order must be wholly
destroyed. He subscribed to the so-called "Platform of the London Congress
of Anarchists" of 1881, which had announced the slogan of the "Propaganda
of the Act."
"The Anarchists take the position that every means
is permitted for attaining their goals, and the rejection of the law
is their highest principle."(1) The
Anarchist organ Die Freihiet [Freedom] in New York, 25
January 1885 (Nr. 4), declared the following guidelines for conduct, which
were also applicable for Bogroff(2): "One must
attack when and whereever possible! The more quietly the lackeys of the
order can be liquidated, the less danger is connected to the [liquidation
of the] more prominent members. The revolver is good, when extreme danger
threatens; dynamite should be used only for the most serious political
campaigns. Otherwise, the dagger and poison are very practical means of
propaganda."
That was the Weltanschauung [world view] of
the young Bogroff.
[178] He belonged to
a group of Anarcho-Communists in Kiev, but soon decided to act completely
alone and independently. Very remarkable is his statement of 02 September
1911, to the effect that those alleged Anarcho-Communists "in the main
pursue purely predatory goals." In the same statement, Bogroff explains:
"I decided to furnish made-up reports to the Petersburg Division of the
Ochrana or to the police department, in order, out of revolutionary
objectives, to have close contact with these authorities and to become
familiar with their activities." The investigation made after the murder
showed that Bogroff had in reality not performed any service of value
whatsoever for the Ochrana, but rather only pretended to belong to it. He
was an agent of the Ochrana in 1907 in Kiev, in Petersburg in 1910, and
then again in Kiev in 1911.
The result of the aforesaid
investigation, which was conducted by Senator Trussevitch, was:
"One can maintain with complete correctness, that Dmitri Bogroff,
who was well-known to the Kiev division of the Ochrana as a revolutionary
Anarchist, led Kulyapko (Director of the Kiev Ochrana) around by the nose
and exploited the Ochrana for his own revolutionary aims."
Senator
Trussevitch came to the conclusion that the persons who had been entrusted
with the guarding of the Czar in Kiev, namely Kurloff, Colonel
Spiridovitch, Councilor Verigin and Colonel-Lieutenant Kulyapko, were
guilty of a criminal negligence in office and must be made to answer for
it.
Without a doubt, Trussevitch was correct. Bogroff, as one of
his own comrades, Sandomirski expressed it, was a "Provocateur
without provocation," or, better said: the Jew Bogroff not only incited
the Anarcho-Communists, he incited and also betrayed the Ochrana. He was a
provocateur raised to the second power. Accordingly, Dmitri Bogroff
was a second and still worse Asev, because he instigated, prepared and
personally carried out the murder of Minister-President Stolypin. By so
doing, he consciously renounced having his own "revolutionary role" come
to light. Rather, he described himself as an agent of the Ochrana, in
order to add a yet enormous propagandizing effect to the effect of the
murder -- the total defamation of the Ochrana. Indeed, the result of this
was that not only the Ochrana, but he himself had bad repute in the
(non-Jewish!) world. But to his Tribe, he had the status of a
"super-hero." For example, this is how his brother, W. Bogroff writes of
him:
[179] "Dmitri Bogroff brought still
more than his life as a sacrifice to his revolutionary ideas, as he
understood them: he sacrificed his revolutionary name and his
revolutionary honor."
So much for the brother. In reality, of
course, it has turned out differently. Dmitri Bogroff did not act as a
"Revolutionary" and did not sacrifice his life and his "honor" in any
sense to a "revolutionary idea"; rather, he acted as a Jew and
executive of the Jewish struggle for power. There is abundant evidence
for this in the utterances of the murderer himself.
For example,
from Munich Dmitri Bogroff writes a letter to his parents, in which he
comes to speak of the defense of the people against Jewry in Russia, the
so-called pogroms, and then adds that he "cannot remain calmly abroad
while in Russia people are beaten" (in place of "people" the word "Jews"
should be used). In a completely confidential talk with the revolutionary
Jew Lasareff in Petersburg in 1910, Bogroff communicates his goal of
killing Stolypin. He tries to make clear to his racial comrade that,
logically, he must perform this action entirely by himself, so that no
persecution of the Jews will be caused by it, but that he is counting upon
the "understanding" of his racial comrades. He says, to wit(1): "I am a
Jew, and permit me to remind you that today we are still living under
the rule of the Black Hundreds (anti-Semites). The Jews will never forget
the Kruschevanovs, Dubrovins, Purischkevitches and like malefactors. And
Herzenstein? And where is Yollos? Where are the hundreds, the thousands,
of Jews who have been torn to pieces -- men, women, and children with
bellies slit open, with noses and ears cut off(?!) . . .To point out the
truly guilty to the masses is the duty of the Socialist parties and the
intelligentsia anyway. You know that the leader of violent reaction is
Stolypin. I come to you and say to you, that I have resolved to eliminate
him."
These words of Bogroff are not to be outdone in their
frankness. There is only one statement yet which is worthy of a place
beside it: the statement of the Jew David Frankfurter, the murderer of
Wilhelm Gustloff in Davos. David Frankfurter, like Dmitri Bogroff,
confesses openly that they have acted as Jews. Neither for Frankfurter nor
for Bogroff is it a matter of being "Socialists," "Anarchists" or
"Revolutionaries" -- it is a matter of being instruments of the Jewish war
against humanity, of being Jewish murderers.
[180] In another, strictly secret talk shortly before
the murder with the Anarchist Lyapkovski, likewise released from jail,
Bogroff explains(1): "I am a
Jew. With a murder of Nicolaus [the then Romanov Czar, Nicolas II], I
would cause an enormous persecution of the Jews. Better yet to murder
Stolypin. Thanks to his policies, the Revolution is suffocated and
reaction has set in."
Therefore, here, as well: the dam against the
Revolution of Jewry must be broken through. Stolypin, who stands in the
way of the struggle for control by the Jews, must fall.
On 11
September 1911, Bogroff was hanged.
The escape plan, which he had
layed out with the help of his racial comrades, had failed.
So much
for the case of Bogroff, who dealt a lethal blow to the anti-Jewish
Russian Empire. An instructive example of the complete ruthlessness,
cruelty and deliberation of Judeo- Bolshevist criminality, an instructive
example, also, of the myopia and superficiality of the state defense for
warding off revolutionary-criminal efforts; a defense which marched on
past the essential core of these efforts, the Jewish core, and
believed that it could place Jews in the service of this defense, even as
provocateurs. The Jew as a provocateur -- as shown by the
cases of Asev and Bogroff --- is always a "Provocateur without
provocation," a super-provocateur, whose provocation is directed
not against the overthrow [of the state], but against order, law, and the
freedom of the people.
The Jew as informer is as customary a
phenomenon as the Jew as swindler, as fence or as spy.
Still one
more historical example of this.
On 05 March 1917, among the first
orders of business of the "Report of the Provisional Government," there
was published in Russia a prescription for the establishment of an
"Extra-ordinary Investigatory Committee for the Discovery of Unlawful
Official Dealings of the former Minister and higher officials." The
commission met in the just-captured Winter Palace. It questioned a total
of 59 persons, among them nearly all of the former ministers, state
secretaries, governors, generals, the directors of police departments,
well-known politicians, and other personalities of the old regime(2).
[181] Two topics in particular occupied the
investigatory commission, which, incidentally, "met" so long that they
themselves were hunted down and themselves interrogated by the victorious
Bolshevists: the case of Rasputin and the question of provocation as means
of struggle against the revolutionary parties by the old Ochrana
(political police). The origin, composition and activity of this
commission puts it beyond any suspicion of enmity toward Jews. On the
contrary, it was a "prosecuting authority" staged by the Jews against the
anti-Semitic old regime. All the more potently incriminating and
irrefutable was the evidence of criminal double-agentry and political
murders of the Jews, which was unwillingly brought to light by the
commission -- the devastating facts about such "outstanding"
representatives of Jewry as the provocateur Asev, the informer and
swindler Manassevitch Manuilov, the jeweler and gambling club owner
Simanovitch, the Court banker and traitor Rubenstein, etc.
The
commission deliberated long and broadly over the famous "instruction for
the organization and performance of internal surveillance," the basis for
the highly developed system of provocation at the Ochrana. This
instruction begins with the sentence: "The single reliable means for
securely informing the organs of investigation about revolutionary work,
is the establishment of an interior agency. The entire efforts of
political observation must be directed toward the object of discovering
the center of revolutionary organizations and to liquidate it in the
moment of the highest development of its activity."
Certainly the
system of "trusted people" and agents is as old as the history of the
state itself, since there is hardly any other means for [acquiring]
information about opposing organizations and for fighting enemies of the
state. The very well thought-out instruction of the old Ochraca had
foreseen all eventualities, incorporated all security measures, to create
a well-functioning system of surveillance. And yet, this instruction, with
its system of highly-disciplined provocation, without a doubt played an
essential part in the collapse of the czarist state. The reason is to be
found in the fact that the instruction and the Ochrana had no sensitivity
for or view of the one decisive fact: the basic criminality, the
fundamental revolutionism of Jewry. There were no proscriptions against
the use of Jews as agents and informers. Thus Jewry succeeded in
penetrating the Ochrana, in corrupting it and misusing it for the Jewish
efforts at overthrowing the state. The Ochrana thought that it [182] was using the Jews, but in actuality was itself
being used by the Jews. [This is the entire story, played out over
milennia, of the interaction between the state and the Jews!]
The
"classical" figure of the revolutionary Ochrana-Jew will always remain
Yevno Asev, a figure about which just as many legends have been
spun as about the figure of Rasputin. All these legends are deliberately
silent about the Jewish core and represent him intentionally as a
"betrayer of the Revolution." In reality, Asev was definitely, to be sure,
a traitor to the honorable revolutionaries, and equally as much a traitor
to his task-masters at the Ochrana. He was "loyal" only to his
Jewish mission and fully consistent in executing it. The mission of
the Jew Asev consisted, just as did that of the other Jewish
provocateurs, revolutionaries, journalists and bankers, of nothing
other than the simultaneous misdirection and corruption of the
revolutionary powers on the one hand, and the corruption and misleading of
the state aparatus on the other. These Jews prevented the finding of any
positive outcome of the conflict between people and state in Russia, and
thus prepared the way for and brought about the Jewish-Bolshevist seizure
of power.
Asev was born the son of a Jewish tailor in Russia and
studied in Karlsruhe, where he took the examination to qualify as an
engineer. As a student, he already pretended to enter the service of the
Ochrana and simultaneously the foreign branch of the Social-Revolutionary
Party, an agrarian-revolutionary organization, which until its liquidation
in 1918, represented the the strongest revolutionary movement of the Old
Russia. The Social- Revolutionary party or, as abbreviated, SR, was
committed to terrorism. The direction of all terrorist operations was in
the hands of the combat center, to which, besides the Jew Chernov, the
famous terrorist Boris Savinkov belonged. In 1903, Asev joined. Asev was
getting a princely salary from the secret Division A of the the Ochrana,
and presumably also money for the financing of the SR operations as well.
Now he unfolded his criminal activity, by betraying the revolutionaries
and terrorists to the Ochrana, while at the same time organizing and
carrying out murders of prominent personalities. From the large list of
the murders in which Asev had taken part as instigator and organizer, let
us consider above all the murder of the Minister of the Interior, Pleve,
on 15 July 1904, as well as that of the Governor General of Moscow, Grand
Duke Sergius, on 04 February 1905. Grand Duke Sergius was ripped into
pieces by the bombs of the Asev organization. Asev crowned this crime by
delivering up to the police the deluded perpetrators, who had no inkling
of the fact [183] that they were brought to
disaster by a Jew. They were hanged.
Whenever the Ochrana began to
become suspicious of Asev due to a series of successful operations of the
SR, this Jewish criminal always delivered up a number of hapless
revolutionaries to the hangman. Thus, for example, in 1908 he betrayed the
entire combat organization of the SR, which resulted in the hanging of
seven men. However, if any kind of suspicion toward him in his own ranks
of the combat organization began to be bruited about, he saw to it that
there was a successful assassination and again started out with a "clean"
slate with his comtrades. It was only in the year 1908 that this Jewish
beast was unmasked by a rival; and a rival of his employer, General
Gerassimov, the Police Director Lopuchin, made haste to confirm this
revelation. Thereupon -- nothing happened. Asev was "brought to justice"
neither by the Ochrana, nor by the Social-Revolutionaries. Instead, he got
a considerable pension and settled in Berlin, where he began dealing in
women's corsets and at the same time speculated in the stock market, under
the name Neumeyer. Then, in April 1918, he passed away unscathed and
peacefully.
That is the truth about Asev; it is less romantic, if
no less terrible, than the legends say. It is an awful truth, the truth
about a Jew who ruthlessly, cunningly, and cruelly took care of the
concerns of Jewry.
And what was the "judgement" about this of his
former employer, General Alexander Gerassimov, who was Chief of the
Ochrana in Petersburg in 1905-1909, ? Gerassimov writes in 1934 of his
recollections:
"Asev assembled a terrorist group of ten men out of
the most active revolutionaries. His closest adjutant was the former
student Peter Karpovitch, who in the year 1901 had murdered (!) the
Minister of Popular Enlightenment, Bogolepov. He was sentenced to twenty
years of hard labor, but later escaped from Siberia and had now offered
his services to Asnev. Through Asev, I was systematically kept informned
about all plans and acts of the terrorist group. The members lived in
Finland and travelled to Petersburg from time to time, in order to carry
out some sort of missions there connected with the attempted assassination
of the Czar(!).
The services of Asev (!) in the struggle with the
revolutionaires are enormous, and we ought not to count it against him
that he did not deliver all the terrorists, but rather we must be [184] grateful (!) that at least (!) he frustrated a
large number (!) of terrorist attacks. That is still my firm conviction
today
(1)."
Truly, these people have learned nothing!
After
its victory in the Bolshevist Revolution, Jewry organized and sytematized
as "state" functions its "speciality," provocation. From the
Preußischen Zeitung [Prussian Times] of 22 October 1935, we
take the expert report of an historic example:
"On 06 July 1918,
the crime occurred. Toward 3:00 P.M., two men drove up in front of the
building of the German embassy in a motor vehicle. They identified
themselves by an authorization signed by Dzerschinsky (the Director of the
Cheka) himself and by his secretary Zenofontoff, whose contents said that
'the representative of the Revolutionary Tribunal Nikolaus Andreyev and
the member of the Cheka Jakob Blumkin were empowered to enter into
negotiations with the German chargé d'affaires due to a matter
which directly and personally concerned him.' This piece of writing later
proved to have been forged.
The embassy councilor Dr.
Ritzler at first wanted to deal with the pair of strange visitors, who
hardly evoked feelings of trust, by himself. But these two refused to
supply any information about the alleged purpose of their visit and
insisted upon a personal meeting with the (German chargé
d'affaires) Count Mirbach. Finally, they were admitted and
Count Mirbach received them in the presence of Dr. Ritzler and of
Lieutenant Müller; the German chargé d'affaires and his
colleagues sat at one side of the table, their two visitors across from
them at the other side.
The Jew Blumkin began to relate a
not entirely coherent tale about the arrest of an Austrian officer
by the name of Robert Mirbach, whom he described as a relative of the
Count, in whose fate the Count would probably be interested. Count Mirbach
declared that there must be a misunderstanding, for the man
arrested was not related to him. Thereupon Dr. Ritzler asked the Count
whether he did not want to regard the conversation as concluded. Before
Count Mirbach was able to reply, Andreyev interrupted with the question
'whether the Herr Ambassador of Germany did not want to find out how the
Revolutionary Tribunal was thinking of proceeding against Robert
Mirbach?'
[185] That was the signal!
Blumkin reached into his briefcase, as though he wanted to pull out
documents; but instead of this, he drew out a revolver and shot three
times in quick succession: at first at Count Mirbach, then at
Lieutenant Müller and finally at Dr. Ritzler; all of the
shots missed their targets. Count Mirbach got up and wanted to flee into
the next room; the wide table which was between the assassins and
their victims prevented the immediate disarming of the attackers. Hardly
had Count Mirbach stood up, when Andeyev shot at him, and when the Count
nonetheless continued on his way, Blumkin shot at him, and one of the two
assassins threw a bomb at the Count. The explosion caused
considerable destruction in the room and smashed the window panes.
Count Mirbach fell to the floor dead; the two assassins escaped
through the window and into an automobile waiting outside . .
."
Whence were they fleeing? They directly made for the so-called
"Sailors' Division" of the Cheka. Blumkin belonged to this Sailors'
Division. To all appearances, it had raised the flag of revolt against
Lenin and Dzerschinsky in common with the Social-Revolutionary Party,
which was at that time still ruling Russia together with the Bolshevists.
At the head of the "rebels" allegedly stood no less a figure than the
acting Chief of the Cheka, Alexandrovsky, as well as the Chief of the
Sailors' Division, Popoff.
The news of the murder of Mirbach was
received by Dzerschinsky, strangely enough, from Lenin personally and not
from his own Cheka apparatus. He went to the scene of the crime and from
there to the "conspirators" in the Sailors' Division, where at first he
was "arrested." But he came to no harm. Meanwhile, his assistant Peters
had the entire faction of the Social-Revolutionary Party arrested in the
middle of the Soviet Congress which was "coincidentally" in session.
Within a few hours, the "revolt" of the Sailors' Division was also ended
and the Bolshevists had a bloody showdown with the Social-Revolutionaries,
who were completely eradicated.
Those were the external events.
Certainly there was a great provocation of the Cheka itself which was set
up in this affair. It appears to be completely unbelievable that, in
particular, the German embassy had knowledge of the assassination attempt
and several times brought this to the attention of the foreign
Commissariat and Dzerschinsky, but that Dzerschinsky himself wanted to
know nothing about it. It is without a doubt the case, that the Jew
Blumkin penetrated [186] the embassy not with
"forged," but with genuine identification papers of the Cheka, and
that the murder he committed was only supposed to provide the means for
the extirpation of the Social Revolutionary Party, which at the time was
the rival of the Bolshevists for power. Also, the dramatic arrest of
Dzerschinsky in the Sailors' Division was nothing other than well-placed
theater. If the Ochrana had already modelled the methods of provocation to
perfection, so the Jewish Bolshevists, who for the most part were
themselves former Ochrana informants and had an exact knowledge of these
methods, raised provocation to the decisive weapon of their so-called art
of statecraft.
That nothing in this respect has changed up to the
present day, has been demonstrated by the recent trials in Moscow of the
so-called "Trotskyites." The line between conspirators and Chekists,
between revolutionaries and criminals, has been completely erased by the
Jewish Cheka. Provocation and counter-provocation have become so
intertwined that no one can find his way any longer in this chaos of lies
and assassinations. Provocation is the type of crime in which Jewry has no
peer. This dirtiest of all crimes is [a tool which they] manipulate with
total mastery.
Only a few days after this cunning murder of the
Jewish terror-organization in Moscow, the cruellest and most disgusting
crime of modern history was committed at the edge of the Urals -- the
slaughtering of the Imperial family by the Jews Chaim Nacktbacke,
Weißbart, Jakob Moses Sverdloff and Jakob Yurovsky.
Mirbach was eliminated -- the last protection of the unfortunate Czar had
gone with him. The inhuman Jewish animals now indulged themselves
unrestrainedly in the intoxication of their blood-lust of
extermination.
The seed of Mordechai [i.e., the "hero" of the Book
of Esther, who presided over the slaughter not only of Haman and
his ten sons, but of thousands of the Jews' enemies.] -- Bronstein, Asev
and Bogroff -- were in full bloom. The "deepening" of the Jewish
revolution plunged Russia into the abyss. Thousands and hundreds of
thousands of people bled to death and starved to death on the streets of
the cities and on the plains in the chaos of the struggle of
all-against-all, which was unleashed by Jewry, and which bears the name of
"Bolshevist Revolution." When, on 01 September 1911, Bogroff spared the
Czar from fear of the fury of the people against the Jewish murderers, in
the year 1918 Bogroff's racial comrades no longer needed to take the
Jewish tribal interests into consideration. Thanks to the intrigues of the
Petersburg clique of Jews -- Simanovitch, Rubinstein, Manassevitch-
Manuiloff and Ginsburg -- the "bloodless" portion of the Jewish Revolution
had ended with success. The half-Jew Kerensky (on his mother's side
descended from the Viennese Adler clan!) had "taken power" and worked
zealously as trail-blazer [187] of Bolshevism.
After October 1917, Jewry was able to proceed with execution of the
sentence of death upon the Czar and the dynasty; it saw that it had
attained the goal of its most passionate desire -- the murdering of the
Imperator [Latin, "emperor"].
The final act of the tragedy
was played out in July 1918 in Ekaterinburg. The shadow of Rasputin had
followed the Czar's family there(1). It was
Boris Solovyeff who had come into the legacy of Rasputin by having
married Rasputin's daughter Mara. She was by no means an innocent little
lamb when she entered into marriage with Solovyeff. On the threshold of
her maturity stood the Jewish journalist Davidsohn. [This is probably an
idiom signifying that Mara's virginity had been taken by Davidsohn.] Mara
Rasputin, together with her husband, followed the exiled Czar to Siberia.
There, Solovyeff worked at the household of the unfortunate Imperial
family as an informer for Jewry, and at the same time cheated them of
their money and jewelry. All attempts for their liberation which were
undertaken by the anti-Bolshevist side were betrayed to the Jews by this
couple, until the transfer of the Czar to Ekaterinburg, where the role of
Solvyeff became superfluous, so that he travelled across Siberia to Europe
accompanied by the Imperial diamonds(2).
The
role of Vyrubova, who was on friendly terms with Solovyeff in 1917
and 1918, again became fateful.
On 14 August 1917, the Imperial
family was brought to Tobolsk. This was the home town of Rasputin! On 05
October 1917, Solovyeff married Mara Rasputin. On 26 April 1918 the Czar
was taken from Tobolsk to Ekaterinburg. On 12 April 1918, Solovyeff
already had knowledge of this transfer of the victim to the scene of the
murder(3).
Here
in Ekaterinburg, in the Ipatyeff house, the Imperial family was finally
completely encircled, with no protection and helpless, delivered up to the
Jewish murder organization. The Jew Jakob Yurovsky took command
command of guard duty in the Ipatyeff house. He was the Cheka director and
the actual ruler of Ekaterinburg, the city, which in its time had been
founded by the great German princess on the Russian Imperial throne,
Katharina [i.e., Catherine the Great]. The [188] second director responsible for the murder and
also the boss of Yurovsky was the Jew Chaim Golostschekin (in
German: "Nacktbacke" [i.e., "bare cheeks"!]), a Jew from the
Vitebsk District. During his exile in Siberia in 1912, he had gotten to
know the third of the confederates in the murder of the Czar, the Jew
Jakob Moses Sverdloff, who during the period of the crime occupied
the highest and most representative position in the Bolshevist state:
Sverdloff was the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the
Soviet [i.e. Supreme Soviet] and, after Lenin and Stalin, was the third
member of the triumvirate which ruled the entire land without any
constraints(1). At the same
time, Sverdloff occupied the office of Political Secretary of the
Communist Party. This double position permitted him the crucial influence
upon the whole state and party apparatus of power of Bolshevism. Sverdloff
belonged to the ten decisive leaders of the Bolshevist Revolution. He is
the actual head of the Jewish gang of murderers which murdered the
Imperial family. Golotschekin was his confidante and his tool on the
scene; Yurovsky directed the execution. After the death of Sverdloff -- he
was killed in a Moscow factory by Russian workers -- the city of the
Empress Katharina, Ekaterinburg, was adorned with the Jewish name
"Sverdlovsk" after the the murder of her great-grandson Nicolaus II. To
this day, Ekaterinburg still bears the name of the Jewish murderer
Sverdloff.
Golotschekin was Military Commissar of the District of
the Urals. Jewish clan ties and "friendship" bound him to Yurovsky.
Originally a dentist, then a photgrapher and watchmaker in Ekaterinburg,
immediately after the Bolshevist overthrow of the state he became a member
of the city soviet and Commissar of Justice. Golotschekin, Yurovsky and a
third Jew, Beloborodoff (in German Weißbart [i.e., "white
beard"]) were put in charge of the Ekaterinburg Cheka.
The murder
took place in the night of 16 - 17 July 1918.
The Czar himself,
Imperator of the Russian Empire and Supreme Head of the Russian
Christian Orthodox Church, was shot by the Jew Yurovsky himself. The heir
to the throne, Alexis, was still not dead after several salvos; thereupon
he too was killed by the Jew Yurovsky with three revolver shots. The
closest confidante of Golotschekin and participant in the act of murder,
Paul Medvedeff, the investigatory judge of Admiral Koltschak, reports as
follows conconcerning the completion of the murders(2):
[189] "On 16 July, toward 7 o'clock in the evening,
Yurovsky ordered me to take the revolvers from all the guards. In all,
there was a total of 12 Nagan pistols, which I brought to Yurovsky and
layed on the table. In the morning, the latter had removed the little
servant and had him lodged in the Popoff house with the guard detachment.
Yurovsky gave me no explanation for any of this. Only when he took the
pistols from me did he say: 'Today we will shoot the whole family dead.'
At 10 o'clock he ordered me to instruct the guards that if they should
hear shots, they should not sound the alarm. Therefore I let the guards
know this and returned to the house. At midnight Yurovsky awakened the
Imperial family. They rose, dressed and came out of their rooms in about
an hour. They were calm; the thought of danger was remote to them.
Nicolaus himself carried Alexis, they all went into the room situated at
the extreme end of the house. Some had a pillow, the chambermaid was
carrying two. Yurovsky said that chairs ought to be brought and three were
brought. At this moment two members of the Checka arrived, one of whom, as
I later heard, was Yermankoff from Verch-Isset. The other was unknown to
me. Yurovsky, his assistant and the two men went to the ground floor below
where the Imperial family already was. The seven other Latvians were also
there. The revolvers were distributed by Yurovsky to the seven Latvians,
to the two Chekists and to his assistant. He kept one himself. Yurovsky
had a Mauser rifle besides. The Czarina, the Czar and Alexis took their
places on the chairs. The others remained standing against the wall. All
were calm. Some minutes thereafter, Yurovsky came into the next room,
where I was, amd said: 'Go out on the street and see whether anyone is
there and watch to see whether the shots are heard or not!' I went out and
immediately heard shots. When I entered the room again to report to
Yurovsky, all the prisoners were lying on the floor in different
positions, in large puddles of blood. All were dead, only Alexis was still
groaning. Yurovsky then shot him two or three times. The sight of the
blood-bath made such an impression upon me that I became nauseated and had
to go outside. Then Yurovsky ordered me to run to the guards and to say to
them that they mustn't get upset due to the shots. As I went out I heard
two more shots. I met Starkoff and Dobrynin on the street, who ran up to
me. They asked me: 'Nicolaus surely has been shot. You've taken care of
the matter.' I answered them that I had seen with my own eyes how Nicolaus
and his family were shot; they should keep their people calm. I therefore
[190] saw how the ex-Emperor was shot to death,
his wife Alexandra, his son Alexis, his four daughters, Doctor Botkin, the
cook, the servant and a chambermaid. Each of them had several wounds,
their faces and articles of clothing were overflowing with blood. None of
them had had a foreboding of the danger threatening them. I myself did not
take part in the murder. When I rerurned to Yurovsky in the room, the
latter ordered me to send him some men to get the bodies into the vehicle.
I had ten men come, whose names I've forgotten. From two sleds that were
in the coach-house they prepared a stretcher, tied a sheet together with a
string and brought the bodies to the vehicle that way. They took away what
the victims had on their hands, their rings, their bracelets, and two gold
watches. Everything was handed over to Yurovsky. The vehicle into which
the bodies were put was a truck which had been brought into the yard
toward evening. The bodies were laid on grey military cloth and also
covered with it. The cloth was taken from the junk room. I do not know
where the dead were taken, I didn't inquire about it. Later, in Apeyevsk,
I met one of the two Checkists, Yermankoff, and asked him where they'd
been dragged off to. 'They tossed them into the shaft of an old mine
beyond Verch-Isset,' he replied to me. After the bodies had been taken
away, Yurovsky ordered the detachment to clean the floor and yard of the
blood, which also happened. Then he returned to his room. I went to the
Popov house which I had left just that morning. The Ipatyeff house was
guarded until 20 July, although there were no longer prisoners in it. But
they did not want to arouse the people and left them believing that the
Imperial family was still living. When I went into the first floor of the
Ipatyeff house on 17 July, I found everything to be in great disorder.
Yurovsky was not there. When I looked to see what was lying on the table,
I found sixty Rubels in ten-Rubel notes in a little
catechism. Without saying anything to anyone, I took them. On 21 July I
returned; the house was no longer guarded. I remained in Ekaterinburg
until 24 July. On the 24th, I went by train to Nishny-Tagil."
The
bodies of the murdered were robbed of all valuables and pieces of jewelry,
dismembered and then, in the shaft of the "Four Brothers" mine, had
gasoline poured over them and were burned up.
On 17 July, at 9
o'clock in the evening, the murderers sent a telegram from Ekaterinburg to
the "People's Commissariat," the [191] Jewish
Murder-Central in Moscow. This telegram reads(1): "Let
Sverdloff know that the entire family has suffered the same fate as its
head. Officially, they were killed during the evacuation."
The
murder of the Imperial family in Ekaterinburg by the Jews Yurovsky,
Weißbart, Nacktbacke and Sverdloff is certainly one of the most horrible
Jewish crimes in the entire history of mankind. Utter, unsurpassed
vileness of mind drove these Jews to the crime. Let us read the words of
their racial comrade, Simanovitch(2):
"At
the murder of the Imperial family the Bolshevist Commissar Yurovsky played
a decisive role. He, too, was guided by the motive of
greed.
Yurovsky was a jeweler by profession. After the transfer of
the Imperial family to Ekaterinburg, he managed to become Bolshevist
Commissar there and was entrusted with the supervision of the Imperial
family. Yurovsky gave the prisoners permission to sell a portion of their
jewelry to his friend Krumnos (Krumm-Nase! [The author is
observing the comical probable etymology of the individual's surname,
which means "Bent-Nose."]. By doing this he managed to find out that the
Imperial family still had at its disposal jewels of inestimable value. The
rumors according to which the Soviet government was supposed to be
planning to bring to Czar to Moscow in order to place him in front of a
Revolutionary Court, worried him; on the other hand, he was hearing about
the efforts of the Monarchists to free the Imperial family. Neither
outcome suited him, and he decided, together with the Commissars
Beloborodov and Golotschekin, to execute the Imperial family by shooting,
in order to get his hands on their jewelry(!).
Yurovsky
appropriated to himself the jewels of the Imperial family and shared the
booty with Beloborodov and Golotschekin. The settings were destroyed and
disposed of.
I learned all these details from the jeweler Simon
Golub, who, with the Krumnos mentioned above, was well-known. Golub
was in Ekaterinburg at the time of the murder of the Imperial family. He
was staying in the vicinity of the house in which the crime happened even
on the night of the murder, and he himself heard the shots and screams.
Yurovsky told him that not all the daughters of the Czar were dead after
the salvos, and that the soldiers had slain them with their bayonettes.
The unfortunate girls had even tried to defend themselves."
[192] Three Jewish "jewelers" -- Yurovsky,
Golub, and Krumnos -- gathered like birds of carrion at the
murder scene, in order to get their hands on the jewelry of the
slaughtered Imperial family. These are not any kind of "revolutionaries,"
nor are they even "assassins" -- they are Jewish robbery-murderers and
ghouls, who have reached the most extreme level of baseness and
abomination. Are they even still human beings?! They are devils
incarnate.
The "political" murder, the murder from greed for
power, is typical of Jewry. In this, the Jew directs his perverse
cruelty always against a defenseless victim who is not able to ward off
the attack. In all places and at all times where Jews usurp power in the
form of Bolshevism or struggle to get power, they make use of the cowardly
and base means of hostage-murder. Uninvolved, innocent people are
seized and slaughtered.
The hostage-murder accompanied the
Bolshevist civil war in Russia from its beginnings up to the present day.
In every district which the Bolshevists took, it was the first act of the
Checka to seize hostages and to butcher them at the first opportunity. The
number of murdered hostages in Bolshevist Russia runs to several hundred
thousands. After the shooting of the Petersburg founder of the Cheka,
Moses Uritzki, alone, several ten thousands of hostages were shot in every
city and village. This was the famous "blood tax" which the Jewish Cheka
imposed upon the land as "atonement." The same thing happened after the
attempted assassination of Lenin, and again after the shooting of Kirov,
etc.
The hostage system belongs to the established methods of the
Judeo-Bolshevist war of annihilation. Hundreds of hostages were
slaughtered during the Bolshevist control of the Baltic countries: in
Mitau, in Riga, in Dirpat, in Wesenburg, etc. The Jews Kun and Szamuely
bestially murdered many hostages during their short rulership in
Hungary.
On 30 April 1919, the following hostages were shot in
Munich under the rule of the Bolshevist Jews Lewien, Leviné-Nissen and
Axelrod(1):
Berger,
Professor, 68 years old. Murdered by several shots at close range in the
head and back. Daumenlang, railroad secretary, 54 years old.
Murdered by five shots in the back. [193]
Hindorf, Walter, soldier of the Hussar Regiment Nr. 8, 1st
Squadron, 19 years old. Was barbarously abused before his murder and
killed by four shots in the head, back, and
abdomen. Linnenbrügger, Fritz, soldier of the Hussar Regiment
Nr. 8, 1st Squadron, 41 years old. Murdered by a shot in the
back. Neuhaus, Walter, artist (painter), 28 years old. Shot
through the head with six shots to the body. von Seydlitz, F.
W., artist (painter), 28 years old. Shot to death from the front. Head
shot with critical skull and brain damage, shots to the heart and chest
and a grazing wound tot he left hand. [The latter wound would probably be
termed a "defensive wound" by a forensic pathologist.] Deike,
commercial art student, 25 years old. Murdered by shots from behind, with
five shots in head, neck, back, and thigh. von Teuchert, Baron,
officer. Murdered by two shots in the back (penetrating the heart and
destroying the jaw). von Thurn und Taxis, Prince, 30 years old.
Killed by shots from behind in the head and back; shot in the abdomen as
well. von Westarp, Hella, Countess, 33 years old. Murdered by
shots through the neck, chest, shoulder blade and a shot through the left
arm.
The mass murders of the hostages in Spain are recalled by
everyone. In the small district of Llora del Rio alone, one hundred
eighty-seven hostages were murdered; in Constantina, two hundred fifty; in
Bilbao the Bolshevists repeatedly went on rampage against the imprisoned
hostages, and at one of their "assaults" two hundred eight jailed hostages
were slaughtered.
Responsible for these crimes were the Jews Moses
Rosenberg, then Soviet "ambassador" in Madrid, Heinz Neumann, a Communist
Jew from Berlin; also the Marxist Jew Deutsch from Austria and
Kolzov-Ginsburg, a Jew from Moscow.
The hostage-murder, the zenith
of a refined and cowardly cruelty, is and remains a Jewish
specialty.
The exploration of Bolshevism and its terror-system(1) has today
irrefutably proven that Bolshevism as [194] a
whole represents a Jewish criminal organization, which works with every
means -- of torture, of hostage -murder, of mass shootings, of individual
extermination and physical liquidation of all opponents of the
Judeo-Bolshevist dictatorship. Names such as that of the mass-butcher of
Shanghai and Madrid, Heinz Neumann, of the mass-murderer in Hungary, in
the Crimea as well as in Spain, Bela Kun = Aaron Kohn with his helpmate
Semlyatchka = Salkind, of the founder of the Cheka, Moses Uritzki, of the
Chief of the G.P.U. for many years, Yagoda = Yehuda, of the current acting
Chief of the G.P.U., Bärman and countless other Checkist Jews, furnish
incontrovertible proof of the fact that this horrifying murder
organization, which is master over one-sixth of the surface of the Earth
and has spread over the entire world, represents a murder-organization
of Jewry. The Cheka -- G.P.U. -- proves the identity of Bolshevism
and crime. Its personal existence, especially in the leading
positions, proves, in turn, that Bolshevism and crime are united in
"personal union" and namely in the person of the Jew.
Since it is
impossible to give an account even approaching the total crimes of the
Jewish Cheka, we must be content with some few examples.
The
Social-Democratic Party of Germany issued a book about the Cheka in 1922,
in the book shop "Vorwärts," in which original excerpts from the
notes of Marxists who themselves became the victims of the Cheka, were
published. From this source, which is certainly beyond suspicion of having
"anti-Bolshevist tendencies" or of being "anti-Semitic," we take the
following account:
"The Ship of Death(1)
The main offices of the Moscow Cheka are now housed at Great
Lubyanka Nr. 14, in the home of the former Moscow insurance company. Here,
day and night, works the soulless death machine, here the circle of
transformations, one after another, of a human being from an accused into
a condemned man, closes with a mutilated corpse . . .
[195] In the main building are located the cabinets
of the investigating judges, according to whose reports the board makes
its stereotypical horrible judgements. Behind this house, in a cellar
structure of the one-storey garden house, those consecrated to death await
their last hour. And directly here in the yard, lying close by the Little
Lubyanka, is found also the cellar established for the jail of the Cheka
executioner. There, in the center of the city itself, behind the walls of
the once-benign insurance company, one of the blindest tools of the terror
has found its lodging, which quietly goes about exterminating hundreds and
thousands of human lives. The room most feared of the cabinets of the
investigatory judges is Room Nr. 55 -- the study of the first
investigating judge, by the name Wuhl (a Jew), of the division for common
criminals. In his hands are concentrated all criminal cases and in
particular cases of banditry, for which there is usually no mercy and for
which the death penalty seems to be the firm norm, almost without
exception. Wuhl is the constant and single correspondent of the
'Troika'; he directs the work of the subordinate investigatory
judges, and upon him depends the outcome of the cases investigated. Still
young (perhaps thirty years old), with light, wavy, hair and a firm
gaze from glittering eyes, agile, energetic, calm and polite in
conversation, Wuhl fills anyone who enters his study with a shudder. For
rarely does a case end here without a death sentence, and rarely does an
interrogation proceed without a wild beating of the accused. If a
subaltern investigating judge does not succeed in wresting a confession
from the accused, he threatens to bring him before Wuhl, and often the
pronouncing of this name by itself is enough to coerce a "voluntary"
confession. Wuhl directs the most important matters himself, and his
methods of interrogation are a not unimportant feature in the whole
picture of Chekist justice. Here one of the countless samples of these
interrogations according to the story related personally by Jan
Otremski.
Otremski was charged with the shooting of the window of
the Sovdeps (the Soviet authority) by Basmannaya. At a body-search of him,
a Mauser with some empty casings were found, which, as it turned out, he
had won in a card game with one of the adjutants of Dzerschinsky, the
supreme Chief of the Cheka. Otremski denied any participation in the crime
imputed to him and maintained that he had been slandered by some
speculators with whom he had fallen out over the division of the winnings.
The somewhat puzzling provenance of the Mauser meanwhile awakened a
special interest in Wuhl in the [196] case, and
he decided to get at the truth at all cost.
'Wuhl received me very
kindly' -- related Otremski, as he wiped his bloody, beaten face with a
handkerchief. -- 'He asked me to take a seat, opened his gold cigarette
case and asked me if I drank "morning coffee." Without waiting for my
reply, he rang, said a few words to the servant who entered, and after a
few minutes there stood before us a tray with two glasses of coffee,
sugar, white bread and butter. "I'm asking," said Wuhl, "that with our
coffee we discuss the case at the same time, as well." At this moment the
telephone rang, and I was a witness to the following conversation that
Wuhl conducted: "Jan Otremski is sitting right here by me. . .I'm sure we
will not need to shoot him. . .He wants to confess everything voluntarily
and wants to be a capable colleague. . ." In this moment I did not grasp
that the entire conversation was arranged especially for me, and suddenly
I didn't feel well. "They want to know if you are still living. . .," said
Wuhl to me with a smile, and pushed the plate with the bread closer to
me.
But I could neither eat nor drink, for I sensed some sort of
trap and was very upset. "Confess everything, Otremski," continued Wuhl,
"and we will forget your past. . .You will have a job with
us."
Thereupon he started a speech of persuasion and during fifteen
to twenty minutes he relentlessly used alternating threats and tempting
promises toward me. But I stubbornly denied my participation in the
shooting and also refused to accept a position in the Cheka. My
stubbornness finally made him lose his composure; he jumped up from his
seat, he grabbed a rifle which was standing in a corner and began to hit
me with the butt. After some blows on the head and the chest, I staggered
and fell, covered with blood, to the floor. But after a minute I came to
again, stood up, and accompanied by Wuhl's fists and wild insults, I
dragged myself out of his study. . ." Jan Otremski was a Polish subject.
He related this case of a bestial beating to the Polish Red Cross and
enclosed as proof the blood-spotted handkerchief. But his Polish
nationality did not save Otremski, and shortly after this interrogation --
on 14 May 1921 -- according to a report, he was shot to death by Wuhl . .
.
I am stopping with these characteristic details of the
interrogation of Otremski, in order not to overload the rest of the
account with dozens of similar facts. This sytem of [197] interrogation was practiced by Wuhl day in, day
out, with unvarying calm and good naturedness, with only details changing
now and then. Thus, in suspicious cases he personally investigated the
accused in order to convince himself that the latter was without weapons
and sufficiently defenseless. Sometimes he prefers to strike not the head,
but the the muscles and the elbows of the outstretched arms . . . in
general, however, the stereotype prevailed with him: cigarettes, coffee,
white bread, offer of a job in the Cheka and . . . a blow with the butt of
a rifle. And so on, day in and day out, with almost total passivity of the
tortured. In the expression used by the beaten bandits, 'Wuhl is playing
the guitar.' For his talented and zealous guitar-playing, the member Wuhl
of the Russian Communist Party wore an Order of the Red Flag on his
chest."
That the Cheka is in no sense any sort of "proletarian"
fighting organization, but rather only and exclusively a Jewish
murder-organization against the people, is shown very compellingly
by, among countless other proofs and examples, the famous mass shooting
of the workers in Astrakhan in March 1919. On 10 March 1919, the
workers of the factories "Vulcan," "Etna," "Caucasus" and "Mercury"
interrupted their work and assembled for a meeting.
"The meeting(1) at which ten
thousand workers had assembled and discussed their hard material condition
was surrounded by soldiers with machine guns, sailors, and
grenade-throwers. After the workers refused to break up the meeting, a
rifle salvo was shot off. Then the machine guns rattled, directed against
the compact mass of the meeting partcipants, and hand grenades exploded
with deafening noise. The gathering trembled, lay down on the ground, and
were dumb with fright. Above the rattling of the machine guns one heard
neither the groaning of the wounded nor the screams of the dying.
Suddenly, this entire mass of men rose up, stormed forward and
broke through the cordon of death of the government troops, with a power
made tenfold by their terror. And it ran unthinkingly in every direction
-- seeking salvation from the bullets of the machine guns which had begun
firing again. Those fleeing were shot. Those who were still alive were
driven into an enclosed space and shot down at close range. The space in
which a peaceful gathering was meeting was now covered by a pile of
corpses. Between the workers writhing in [198]
their death throes, one also saw some 'tamers of the Revolution' trampled
to death by the crowd at the breakthrough. The news of the shooting
quickly spread into the city. People were fleeing there from everywhere.
Only the cries 'they are shooting! They're shooting!' could be
heard.
A canon shot in the distance. A strange, droning detonation
in the air. After this whizzing, suddenly, a bang. Again, whizzing. The
church cuppola crackled and plunged down. A bang, and then another bang. A
projectile explodes. A second one explodes. And another. The crowd of
people loses their heads and scatters apart, like a herd of restive
beasts. But the outpost troops shoot and keep shooting. From somewhere
comes a new order to fire, and those fleeing are struck by
grenades.
The city is deserted. Silent. One part of the inhabitants
fled, another part hid themselves. Not fewer than two thousand victims
were swept from the ranks of the workers. Thus ended the first act of the
frightful tragedy of Astrakhan.
The second -- still more horrifying
-- act began on 12 March. A portion of the workers were arrested by the
'victors' and imprisoned in the commander's headquarters, in barques and
in steamers. Among the latter, the steamer 'Gogol' particularly
distinguished itself by its cruelty. But dispatches were flying to Moscow
which were reporting a 'revolt.'
The Chairman of the Revolutionary
War Council of the Republic, L. Trotsky (Bronstein, a Jew),
responded with a laconic dispatch: 'Settle accounts and show no
mercy.' With that, the fate of the unfortunate workers in custody was
sealed. A bloody insanity raged on land and water. In the cellars and
yards of the commander's headquarters, the people were shot to death. From
the barques and steamers, people were thrown into the Volga. Many were
thrown in with stones tied around their necks. One worker, who sat in the
keel space on the machine, remained unnoticed and saved himself, told that
in one night, 180 men were thrown overboard from the steamer
'Gogol.' But in the city there were so many shot dead, that some
nights [199] hardly sufficed to transport them
all to the cemetary, where they were unloaded in piles as 'typhus cases'.
. .
. . . After some days, the rulers began to to publish the names
of the shot 'Burschuis' by the hundreds. At the beginning of April,
the number of victims named was already 4000. But meanwhile, the
repressions did not stop. The authorities had plainly resolved to take
revenge upon the worker's unions of Astrakhan for the entire wave of
strikes which rolled through Tula, Boyansk, Petrograd and other cities in
March of 1919. It was only toward the end of April that the shootings
tapered off and stopped."
Some characteristic details are supplied
by the certainly not anti-Semitic Roman Gul in his book
Dzerschinsky, which appeared in Paris in 1936, in the Russian
language. Gul describes, among other things, the Commandant of the
Georgian Checka, Schulmann, who was possessed by a bestial cruelty,
and who was infamous in Tiflis under the name "The Commandant of
Death."
Schulmann usually took drugs in order to get in the
necessary "mood." One example of his rage and murdering(1):
"One
dark night, the Commandant of the Cheka, Schulmann, appeared in the stone
corridors of the subterranean prison, rattling his saber with a detachment
of Red Army troops. They began to lead out the condemned men from their
cells. The pity-inspiring, half-dressed unfortunate men automatically
obeyed the orders of the executioners. It seemed as if Schulmann wanted to
excite himself, in that he treated the condemned men with especial
brutality. They were all brought to the inner courtyard of the Cheka,
where some trucks were awaiting them. With a few practiced and rapid
movements of their hands, the executioners took from the victims the rest
of their clothing, chained their hands and threw them in the trucks. The
trucks began to move . . . At the place of execution partitioned by the
Chekists, ditches had been prepared in advance. The condemned were
arranged in rank and file. Schulmann and his assistant stepped down the
line with a revolver in hand and shot the forehead of the condemned; now
and then they stopped to reload the revolvers. Not everyone yielded their
heads to be shot peacefully. Many struck out around themselves, tried to
retreat, cried, asked for mercy. Sometimes Schulmann's bullet only wounded
them and the Chekists immediately finished them off with shots and
bayonettes. [200] Meanwhile, the dead were
tossed into the pits. This scene of human butchery lasted no less than
three hours."
One other Jew who is still active today as one of the
highest GPU Chiefs, is Jakob Agranov, an epileptic Jew with the
face of a woman. His specialty is the destruction of the Russian Aryan
intelligentsia. The Jew Agranov has exterminated the flower of Russian
science and of public life(1).
The
blood-bath of the already-mentioned Aaron Kohn -- Bela Kun -- in
the Crimea is well known. At his side stood his racial comrades
Feldmann (male) and Salkind (female). To the same series of
Jewish mass-murderers belong: Comrade Rosa in Kiev,
Yurovsky, Nacktbacke and Weißbart in Ekaterinburg;
Steinberg and Deutsch in Saratov, Eugenie Bosch in
Pensa, Rebekka Meisel-Plastenina in Archangelsk, the sadistic
Jewess Braude in Moscow, who with her own hands first undressed and
then shot the "White Guard swine." Here also belong, above all, the
directors of the Cheka in the Ukraine: Feldmann and
Portugeis in Kharkov and Lifschitz and Schwartzmann
in Kiev. At the head of the all-Ukraine Cheka stood the Jews Laziss
and Schwarz(2).
The
report of the eyewitness Nilostonski, which already appeared in
1921 in the Neudeutschen Verlags- and Treuhandgesellschaft
editions in Berlin, gives a true-to-life picture of the rampages of this
Jewish murder-organization in the Ukraine.
The 11th Chapter of
this unfortunately now out-of-print document is rendered here unmodified(3).
"The
slaughter of the victims was as a rule carried out as a conclusion of high
entertainment after the wild drinking bouts which went on in the
executioners' houses, when everyone was in a state of intoxication. The
criminals, in their cheerful party, then went down the steps into the
yard, into the slaughter house, where each according to his bent or
together, as agreed, enjoyed themselves by killing. The victims were often
tormented for hours in the cruelest manner on these occasions. Here, the
greatest variety of wounds were inflicted upon them, over there, the
victims' skulls were slowly crushed, in another direction they were
stabbed with every sort of instrument of torture, and in yet another spot,
tongues and limbs were torn out, etc., etc. They were actually killed only
when [201] the murderers, due to alcohol
intoxication, could no longer keep to their feet and had to end their
party. As in the courtyard of Ssadovaya 5, we also found in all the rest
of the houses of slaughter and Zcheresvytchaykas, mountains of thousands
upon thousands of empty bottles of the most expensive kinds of
wine.
In Kiev, I saw an unfortunate mother whose only son, an
officer, had been murdered in the slaughter house at Ssadovaya 5. Some
days after the murder, two sailors came in a motor vehicle in front of the
residence where the family of the murdered young man lived, drove up and
picked up the only daughter, a nineteen-year-old young girl, the sister of
the murdered son, to bring her to one of the mentioned drinking bouts in
the house of the executioners. Here, the executioners, who a few days
earlier had just slaughtered her brother, ordered her to dance in front of
them. When she was unable to do so and began to stagger, the executioners
ordered her to drink a glass of champagne. In the moment when she seemed
to draw the glass to her lips, she suddenly poured the contents out,
struck the upper part of the goblet off on the edge of the table and tried
to use the rest of the glass to cut through the veins of her neck. In the
same moment, the Jewish wife fell upon her and badly abused the
unfortunate girl for this sabotage, cut her face up with the same piece of
glass, stepped on her with her feet, pulled her hair, until she was
finally brought senseless into the slaughter house and had to lie there as
long as until the murder gang had gotten drunk enough to pass over into
slaughtering and then to 'transport' the unhappy girl 'to her
counter-revolutionary brother.' The sad incident was confirmed to us by,
besides the mother of the dead girl, two young ladies of society, who on
that evening had to dance in the Zcheresvytchayka, who were present during
the whole event and escaped on that evening with some blows from a Nagaika
[Cossak whip] which they received for covering their faces with their
hands and sinking to the floor helplessly during the tragic moments. At
any rate, the 'invitation' to young girls of society to these kinds of
drinking bouts was usual in all the Zchresvytchaykas of Kiev, so that the
refined Satanic revenge of the Soviet sadists extended even to these
creatures who were guilty of nothing. That a Commissar would suddenly
announce to the parents that he would live with their daughter and then
take her away, was in all cities something completely common. Usually, he
began his announcement with a threat, since he would know that the
daughter had served the Volunteers [of the White Army] as a Sister of
Mercy [i.e., in a hospital], so that she and the whole family deserved
death.
[202] The Bolshevists were
inflamed against our Sisters of Mercy with a particularly savage rage. In
case of capture, each of the Sisters of Mercy serving with us carried
poison with her. But woe to the girl, who, gravely wounded, didn't have
the chance to make use of this and first returned to consciousness in
custody. For her it was written -- death by rape. Consequently, it was
also the custom in the Volunteer Army in the case where escape wasn't
possible (for example, in an encirclement) to shoot first of all the
Sisters, especially the wounded, and then the wounded officers and the
rest of the Volunteers. It happened more than once that an officer or
soldier shot his own sister who was serving with her brother in the same
regiment.
Here I will deviate somewhat from my actual theme and say
some words about the conduct of the Soviet government toward our prisoners
and wounded. The torturing of the captured and wounded Volunteers by the
Bolshevists is of course generally known. Consequently, not even one
person in the Volunteer Army surrenders. Thus, the remnant of the
Volunteers, who had been driven into the harbors of Odessa and
Novorossyisk, and for whom at the fall of these places rescue was cut off
in February and March of 1920, all shot themselves and their families. Two
of our hospitalers in Odessa who weren't able to evacuate in time, were
burned to death along with all of the sick and wounded found there. At the
fall of Rostov, Novotscherkask and Taganrog in January 1920, 18,000 sick
and wounded, who had stayed behind in the military hospital, were
all killed by the Bolshevists in the most horrifying way. We had
the opportunity to be convinced of this ourselves when we retook Rostov
and Novotscherkask for several days in February.
The members of the
terror-houses, when it suited them and after they had gotten their hands
on a sufficient supply of cocaine, sent for some arrestees from
Zchresvytschayka for individual torturing, upon whom they now carried out
tortures in a single room of the jailhouse. These creatures, who without
exception were all cocaine addicts, committed their crimes, as is already
well known, for the most part out of sadistic impulses. One of these
sadists, a certain Zchernyavski (the pseuonym by which he was known among
the Chekists), who had to kill a number of people each day since otherwise
he felt bad, finally went so far as to no longer trouble himself about the
category of his victims, and allowed himself to use prisoners for his
tortures who actually belonged to the Bolshevists and had been [203] temporarily stuck in jail for minor offenses,
merely in order to have material for the satisfaction of his sadistic
drives. He was finally killed one night by some other sadists in one of
the slaughter houses. The famous executioner of Kiev was the Jewess 'Rosa'
Schwarz. All of Kiev knew her under the name of 'Rosa.' Her victims must
have been numbered in the hundreds. This 'Rosa,' who was caught, told the
Courts-Martial which condemned her, that she constantly injected caffeine
and then, in a state of intoxication, would proceed to torture her
victims. A member of the aforesaid Alliance of Zchresvytschayka Victims
reported on how he was bound to a table in front of a Jewish girl who was
known by the nickname 'Sonya,' how during the course of almost an hour she
stuck a revolver at his temple, his forehead, into his mouth and over his
heart, while she observed his face, then finally reluctantly put the
revolver in her pocket with the remark that she found that she was not in
the mood. To the bound man she said that she would shoot him some other
time, and ordered him taken away. At any rate, it must be said, that, as
in Kiev, so also in Odessa, Kharkov, Poltava, etc., Jewish women and girls
especially enjoyed engaging in torture and slaughter, and the number doing
so was definitely significant. Every city had its 'Rosa,' 'Sonya' etc.,
who became celebrities in the cities concerned. When the Chinese
professional torturers stepped back from an aged person whom they were
supposed to torture, or when even their tortures seemed to be too mild, it
was Jewish girls who snatched at the opportunity and fell upon the victims
with delighted zest and, in their devilish lust, inflicted the most
unthinkable torments upon gray and white heads, unheeding whether it was
an old man or old woman, and finally killed them as the concluding
act."
These horrifying facts, which describe the reality of the
Jewish war against humanity, show the true face of the Jew in the clearest
way: toadying, perfidious and duplicitous, he approaches his victim, only
to annihilate him in the next moment with an unexampled and bestial
cruelty. [Or, as one old saying expresses it: "The Jew -- either at your
groin or at your throat!] The Bolshevist Revolution in Russia was a
successful crime of Jewry, carried out against the peoples of Eastern
Europe. The Bolshevist subversive activites in the entire World are crimes
of Jewry. The entire "politics" of Jewry is fundamentally and right from
the start, criminal, and is directed to the end of the enslavement and the
extirpation of all non-Jewish peoples.
The Jew misuses the notion
of the political as a pretext for his crimes, just as he misuses the
concepts of "science," [204] "Freedom of
thought," "Brootherhood" etc., for his agitation and propaganda. The sorry
productions of a Magnus Hirschfeld are no more "scientific" than the
murder by a David Frankfurter is "political." Both are criminal
actions, completed crimes of Jewry.
Since the start of the Jewish
struggle for "Emancipation" and control in the individual nations, the
chain of Jewish crimes and murder has remained unbroken.
On 25 May
1926, the Ukrainian nationalist leader Petlyura, the former Chief
of State of the independent Ukrainian Republic, was murdered in Paris by
the Jew Samuel Schwarzbart. The crime was carried out with
cold-blooded cruelty. The murderer still fired several shots into his
defenseless victim as he way lying on the ground. When he was questioned,
Schwarzbart (naturally!) declared that he had acted out of "political"
motives.
As a Jew, he was filled with deep hatred for people of
Ukrainian nationality. He murdered Petlyura as a leader of this
nationality, a man who embodied the striving for freedom of the Ukrainian
people.
A crime committed in the name of Jewry and in its
interests! This is evident not only from Schwarzbart's statements, but
also from the attitude of Jewish-Freemasonic justice and the Jewish press.
World Jewry organized a "rescue-action" in the grandest style for the
murderer. The advocate Torres, known as the attorney for many Marxist
terrorists, took on Schwarzbart's defense. The murderer was
acquitted!
Still more indicative of the true reasons behind the
scene of this crime, is the circumstance that Samuel Schwarzbart went to
Moscow after his acquittal -- he had already formerly been a Commissar of
the Red Army -- and today receives a state pension there! These facts
stamp the murder of the Ukrainian nationalist Petlyura unambiguously as a
crime of the Judeo-Bolshevist Internationale; moreover, it shows how the
threads of the Jewish and Red Internationale are inextricably interwoven
with each other.
This murder of a political personality on foreign
soul, in crass violation of International Law, of the principle of
non-interference and of the freedom of guests of a foreign state,
committed by a Bolshevist Jew, is not a singularity.
On 04 December
1936, the Court of the Canton of Graubünden in Switzerland passed the
following judgement(1):
[205] "In the criminal case of Frankfurter,
David, son of Moritz and Rebekka, neé Pagel, student of Medicine, born on
9 July 1909 in Daruvar, Yugoslavia, Yugoslavian national, resident in
Bern, unmarried, with no police record, by decision of the prosecutor's
office of 5 June 1936, named as defendant charged with murder, after
the main trial and careful deliberation, in application of the §§ 88 (in
connection with Fed. Constitution, Art. 65), 9, 48 and following,
particularly § 50 Sections 7 and 9, § 51, Sections 3 and 4 as well as § 18
of Penal Law and §§ 58 and 59 StrVerf., it is established
that: 1. David Frankfurter is guilty of the murder of Wilhelm
Gustloff. 2. For this crime he will be punished by 18 years in prison,
less 8 months for pre-trial custody, then with the loss of civil honors
and rights during the same period of time and sentenced to life-long exile
from this country. The weapon of the murderer is confiscated. 3. The
convicted man is obligated as a matter of principle to compensate for all
damages caused by the above-named crime. 4. The convicted man is to
bear in addition all costs related to the investigation, the court costs
and the cost of imposing punishment."
For the first time, this
exemplary punishment was imposed by a Swiss Court upon a Jewish murderer,
even if its proportions do not correspond to the German sense of right.
The Graubünder sentence signifies a blow in the ugly face of the Jews, a
severe defeat for World Jewry, which after a senseless murder has become
the poorer by one "martyr." The German special correspondent at the trial
of the murderer David Frankfurter, Wolfgang Diewerge, describes the murder
incident as follows:
"Frau Kaufmann and her daughter are walking
along the spa promenade of Davos. They are well-off Jews from Bern.
Someone speaks to them; Herr cand. med. [medical student]
Frankfurter, a good acquaintance, is also in Bern. Yes, he's there for the
sport, the snow-covered mountains entice him, the glorious world of the
mountain range. He speaks quietly and in a friendly manner, like a guest
at the spa who has a beautiful day behind him and is now taking a little
evening stroll. They make a date to meet for tea. Frankfurter amiably
takes his leave and keeps walking, down the promenade to the signpost.
This signpost reads: Wilhelm Gustloff -- N.S.D.A.P. Frankfurter
knows the way perfectly. And he doesn't need to ask whether Gustloff has
returned. He knows all about it. Once more he pulls the crushed cigarette
pack from his pocket, then he turns calmly and with a sure step from the
[206] main street, along the spa park, until he
stands in front of a bright blue house 'Am Kurpak Nr. 3' ['Nr. 3
Spa Park']. In his pocket he carries the murder-order. It is 04
February 1936, about 8 o'clock in the evening, a Tuesday, which the
Jews call 'Kee Tov' = 'then it's good' -- it is considered to be a
lucky day for Jews.
Frau Gustloff has been happy for quite a while
about having a free evening. It shall belong to her and her husband alone.
She will let him tell her about his trip, of the celebration in honor of
the Machtergreifung [The accession to power of the N.S.D.A.P.], for
once she wants to be together not with Landesgruppenleiter
[national group leader] Gustloff, but with her man. But when the bell
rings, she opens the door anyway, even though it's late and dark out. It
might be a comrade in need. When it's a matter of someone needing help,
Wilhelm Gustloff is always there to speak to.
A well-dressed man
stands at the door, his hat pulled down over his eyes. His exterior makes
a respectable impression, he's quiet and friendly. Sure of himself, as if
he knows the house, he goes past the wife to the inner door. Frau
Gustoloff lets him into the corridor, where Wilhelm Gustloff is standing,
speaking on the telephone. Base Thun is on the line.
Frankfurter
doesn't want to shoot here in the hallway, where there'll be witnesses to
his crime. He calmly takes a seat in Gustloff's study, looks at the
pictures of Hitler and examines the Ehrendolch ["honor dagger"; A
number of well-crafted edged weapons were given to party members who had
distinguished themselves. They often were embossed with the motto:
"Meine Ehre ist Treue" = "Loyalty is my Honor"] which is hanging on
the wall here. Intermittently, he fingers his own weapon.
Five long
minutes go by. The telephone conversation which is being conducted with
Dr. Habermann in Thun is constantly experiencing disturbances on the line.
It must cost quite a bit to keep Wilhelm Gustloff under surveillance. His
conversations are tapped, and not very adroitly, either. Wilhelm Gustloff
makes a few choice comments into the phone about the 'expertise' of this
disturbance of his peace, then asks his wife about the visitor and goes
into his study.
For the first time, the Jew sees his victim right
in front of him. Tall, with erect posture, friendly and ready to be
helpful. He pulls the revolver from his pocket and fires. True to his
murder-orders, he aims for the head and chest. Wilhelm Gustloff collapses
without uttering a cry and falls over. His wife rushes in, she has no fear
of the smoking weapon of the murderer which is raised threateningly. She
throws herself on her husband, wants to stop the bleeding but sees in the
same instant that there is nothing that can any longer be done. In a few
minutes, Wilhelm Gustloff bleeds to death in her arms, beneath the
portrait of the Führer.
The shots and screams alarm the
house. The neighbors rush to the door. The revolver held in front by
Frankfurter holds them back. David Frankfurter knows his way out of the
house. He is already out in the open. [207] Now
-- into the spa park. Now his getaway shall begin. With hurried steps he
rushes into the darkness, but remains stuck in the snow. In vain he tries
to keep going forward. He fails.
The cursed snow! It holds him
fast. He clutches at it. He's not getting anywhere. Sweat breaks out on
him. How was it worded in his orders? - 'Try to get away, otherwise commit
suicide.' No, never! He didn't come to Davos for that. He wants to live,
to be celebrated, but not die. Otherwise, he could have done the shooting
in Germany, of course.
He hears the alarms behind him, the calls
for a doctor and the police, the outraged voices of the Swiss neighbors.
He senses what will be in store for him if they catch hold of him here
while he's in flight. And then he sees how good it was that he did not go
to Germany, the way his original orders read, but to a canton which
doesn't have the death penalty. He goes into the closest house. He calls
the police and when it takes too long for him, full of fear, he goes by
himself to watch, to get into safe custody and protection as soon as
possible.
The first questioning by the police begins. The murderer
declares: 'I have shot him because I am a Jew. I am fully aware of
my act and do not feel any remorse for it.'
He is also
confronted by Frau Gustloff. She recognizes in him the petitioner whom she
conducted to her husband. She asks him: 'Why have you done this?' He
answers: 'Because I am a Jew.'"
Frankfurter shot, because he
was a Jew. The Jewish "World League for Resisting Anti- Semitism" named
the murderer its symbolic Honorary President a short time after the crime.
And why shouldn't the murderer Frankfurter be the Honorary President of
the World League, when the murderer Friedrich Adler was General Secretary
of the Internationale? What's right for one murderer is fair for the other
murderer. The organ of the World League, Le droit de vivre of 26
September 1936 published the following declaration of solidarity with
David Frankfurter(1):
"We
Jews feel absolute solidarity with you, dear Frankfurter, and we honor you
unendlingly. If we abandoned you, we would be letting ourselves miss one
of the most valuable opportunities on this poor earth. To deny you, [208] would mean giving up purity, freedom and
dignity. In our memory you will live on as a dove of peace on the manure
pile of our egoism and above the swamp of our indifference."
The
strange "dove of peace on the manure pile" of Jewish egoism has been
locked in a cage for a long time by the judgement of the Swiss
court.
The question remains open as to whose mission Frankfurter
was carrying out. This was no personal act of revenge, no senseless crime
of a mentally ill person, but the crime of a Jew acting for World Jewry.
Whether this is provable in particular, and concretely, is not the
crucial point. What is crucial, is the confession of the murderer himself:
"I have shot him because I am a Jew. I am fully aware of my act and do not
feel any remorse for it."
The order for the murder furnishes an
important clue, written in the Serbian language on a piece of a cigarette
pack, and found with the murderer and among the original Court
documents:
"Monday, 03 February 36, 9:30, the sentence [of death]
must be carried out. Call ahead and ask if he's there. If he doesn't come
out and can't be seen, try to get away, else put into effect suicide. 1-2
shots in the chest. Revolver in the right-hand coat pocket. Not in the
overcoat. As soon as I'm in the room, pull it out suddenly and shoot. In
the head or the chest, 3 shots."
The murderer claimed in Court "not
to be able to recall" any longer what the circumstances were of how he
came by this note. This piece of evidence is a clear indication of the
murder having been long prepared and executed according to a written plan.
One probably does not go wrong in assuming that the Murder-Central would
not be far to seek from the Jewish World League in Paris.
Leo
Czolgosz, Emma Goldmann, Friedrich Adler, Paul Kéri, Gaertner, Mordko
Bogroff, Yevno Asev, Jakob Yurovsky, Chaim Golotschekin, Weißbart,
Blumkin, Aaron Kohn, Szamuely, Heinz Neumann, Yehuda, Bärman, Schulmann,
Lifschitz, Schwarzmann, Braude, Bosch, Meisel, Salkind, Portugeis,
Schwarz, Laziß, Schwarzbart, Frankfurter -- 28 Jews, 28 murderers -- only
a selection of the "most famous" from the most recent times. Who
still dares to doubt that "there are Jewish murderers"?!
[209] They are plain "political" murders, plain
murders from greed for power. They are plain "Anarcho-Communist" crimes,
crimes of Bolshevism. The facts of the case are clear -- Jewry and
Bolshevism are identical; Bolshevism and crime are the same thing. Jewry
as leader of the Underworld, in a criminal attack upon the World, its
culture, its order and the [non-Jewish] peoples of the World -- that is
the reality of the criminal world conspiracy of the present, the reality
of Judeo-Bolshevism.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
To Afterword To
(previous) Chapter VIII:
Sexual Offenders To Table of
Contents |