David Duke Update
Comments on the Federal Government's Political Persecution of Me
by David Duke
Two FBI agents recently visited a supporter of mine. They were clean-cut, European-American
racial types who acted like they were his friends who simply wanted to make him aware of
how David Duke had misused his support. He just let them speak, for he wanted to hear
everything that federal agents were telling people about David Duke. They asked him how he
liked his money being used so Duke could "live in a mansion in Mandeville," and showed him
pictures of me with a very pretty girl seemingly having a good time, spending his gifts.
They then showed him a scurrilous, tabloid-style magazine article depicting me as a very
dangerous racist, anti-Semite, and -- for good measure -- immoral person. They intimated
that Duke spends all his money on wine, women and gambling. After an hour and a half, they
When the agents told him these things, they did not know that he had visited me a number of
times in my "mansion," which of course is nothing more than a modest suburban home where I
and two assistants live and work. And of course the agents did not tell him that this
entire persecution of me was launched by a corrupt, radical black U.S. Attorney by the name
of Eddie Jordan, and that the lead "investigator" was a black Treasury agent. Nor did he
tell them, as he did my office, that his only regret that was that he wished he could have
given more gifts to me over the years, as "no one has accomplished more in the United
States of America for our Cause with less money, than has David Duke."
Many Duke givers have been visited as he was. So, I write these comments for all those who
have read biased newspaper accounts, or for anyone who has any questions about this huge
and intensive effort of the federal government to silence my voice for European
For the past three years, the federal government under the direction of a black radical
U.S. attorney in New Orleans, Eddie Jordan, has been attempting to fabricate a criminal
case against me. The reason why so much time has elapsed without an indictment is simply
because their case is weak, and they know it. If they had the evidence, they would have
indicted me almost three years ago when this first began. If they indict me now, and I
win, it could backfire into the best thing that ever happened to our political movement.
Time will tell whether the U.S. attorney, who has yet to be appointed, will continue this
persecution, but up to this time it continues.
The reason for this political persecution is simple: I am the best-known and most-successful
advocate of the rights and heritage of European Americans in the United States. I have
also become the leading spokesman against Jewish supremacism in America and around the
world. The feds view me as their greatest political threat, as I scored over 60 percent of
the White vote in two major elections, and shortly before this investigation began, I came
within percentage points of earning a spot in the runoff for U.S. Congressman. I have
demonstrated that White politics is winning politics, and that frightens the feds immensely.
Moreover, my book, My Awakening, is the most powerful book in print on the race and
It is estimated that the federal government has spent millions of dollars and used a small
army of FBI, Treasury (tax), ATF (Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms), and assistant U.S. attorneys
-- in an attempt to manufacture some sort of criminal case against me. They seek to
discredit me, imprison me and silence my voice for our people. Why? At the risk of
immodesty, I believe the reason is simply that I have been one of the most effective
leaders at spreading our message in the United States and around the world. I have certainly
been the most well-known political voice in America in opposition to affirmative action,
and I have warned of the dire consequences of White people soon becoming a political
minority in America. Another reason it all began was because the U.S. attorney who
launched it has had a passionate personal hatred for me ever since we opposed each other
over the Liberty Monument in New Orleans.
How the investigation started...
The Clinton appointment of a New Orleans black radical U.S. attorney, Eddie Jordan,
triggered the chain of events leading to the current "investigation." Jordan's good friend
is black Congressman Bill Jefferson, who has had his sights on becoming Louisiana's governor.
In early 1999, it seemed impossible for an extremely left-wing, black Congressman in a
racially-polarized, conservative state such as Louisiana to win the governorship. The
conservative governor, Mike Foster, had such high popularity ratings that it seemed likely
that no serious opposition would arise in his reelection campaign. Jordan, though, as U.S.
Attorney, had access to information that I had done more than simply endorse Mike Foster
over the liberal Democrat Mary Landrieu in the 1995 race. He knew the politically secret
information that Foster had paid a fee for renting my Louisiana political mailing list, and
that Foster made a secret agreement with me to issue an executive decree ending affirmative
action in the state. Jordan planned a Grand Jury investigation of all this and illegally
shared this secret information with his friend, Congressman Jefferson. They hatched a plan
that they thought could make Jefferson Governor:
1) Foster seemed certain for reelection as Governor. Therefore, no serious political
heavyweights would enter the race. Jefferson then would mount a long, serious campaign for
the post and become his only major opponent.
2) Then, during the campaign, when it would be too late for any heavyweight candidates to
organize effectively, Jordan would break open the Grand Jury investigation into Mike
Foster's secret dealings with David Duke. This could result in indictment of Foster and
Duke, or seriously discredit Foster, perhaps causing him to drop out of the race at the
last minute. Even if Foster did not drop out, they hoped the scandal would cause him
unrecoverable political damage.
3) At that point, Jefferson would emerge as the only major political figure in the race, (a
sitting U.S. Congressman) and give him a good chance of winning the Governor's office.
By launching the investigation of Foster and me, not only would Eddie Jordan help a friend
possibly win the governorship and set Jordan up for future high office himself, but he
would settle a score with an old enemy: me. When Jordan sat on the New Orleans Human
Relations Council, he led the effort that tore down the Liberty Monument. With the help of
my good friend Dr. Shubert, our forces won, and the monument to Southern heritage was
Jordan assigned one of his brethren to do a legal hatchet job on Gov. Foster and me. He
appointed, as a lead investigator in the case, a black crony U.S. Treasury agent who
specialized in drug cases and money laundering. Obviously, they were hoping to find
money-laundering in the Duke-Foster relations. One can imagine how eager these two were to
get us. But during the course of a long and intensive investigation, it became clear that
Foster had not broken any laws except perhaps for a minor Louisiana campaign infraction,
and that I had done nothing wrong at all in this matter. To the chagrin of Jordan and
Jefferson, the news that Foster had a secret association with Duke in 1995 only bolstered
Foster's popularity. Jordan then turned his sights on David Duke, but always left open the
possibility of going after Governor Foster again as well.
Going after David Duke...
The intensive investigation caused me immediately to have my accountant recheck my old tax
returns to make sure there were no errors. My heart dropped when I discovered that my
accountant had failed to report some of the list-rental payments. On learning this, I took
responsibility for the problem and incurred an increased tax payment of $25,000. I was
really lucky to have an honest and courageous accountant, for he admitted in sworn
testimony before the Grand Jury that the error was solely his. He revealed that when he
prepared my returns he was in extreme distress because his wife was seriously ill with
cancer. As for a possible money-laundering charge against Duke or Foster, that became
impossible as Foster's and Woody Jenkins' list fees were deposited by check directly into
my bank account, complete with my name and social security number. At that point it became
obvious that the government had an extremely weak case against me for any tax charges. At
that point they had nothing to show for all their political posturing and investigative
Any means necessary to get Duke...
Jordan's plan to help Jefferson to become governor failed, but Jordan knew that he could
insure his political future in the Black community by going full-bore after David Duke, the
man always referred to in the media as "former Ku Klux Klansman David Duke." But Jordan
knew that if they made a tax charge against me, it would be a relatively minor charge for
which I had a very winnable defense. Jordan needed to manufacture something else to "get
Duke." They came up with the idea of challenging the taxable and legal nature of the
personal gifts I have received over the years. They also argued that I did not have the
right to use the personal gifts as I wished.
Over my past twenty-five years of activism, I have received personal gifts from my
supporters in appreciation of my efforts for our cause. Such gifts are not reportable and
not taxable. They have enabled me to pay legal bills, finance activities, and work
full-time for our cause. I hope that you recall the unrelenting efforts I have made for
our cause. Over the years, I have run for office in over a dozen grueling campaigns. I
was elected to the Louisiana House of Representatives, and waged subsequent, hard-fought
campaigns for U.S. Senator (twice) and Governor, U.S. House of Representatives, and even
for the office of President of the United States. Three of those campaigns endured for
almost a year each. Those years consisted of working 16-to-20-hour days under tremendous
mental and physical stress. Politics in America is designed for the independently
wealthy. Few can take a year out of their lives for a state-wide campaign and have no
income during the period. Campaign law states that a candidate cannot even receive living
expenses from campaign funds. Without personal gifts over the years, it would have been
impossible for me to spend such great a amount of time in advancing our cause.
I have traveled over three million miles, speaking in every state and two dozen countries.
I completed thousands of radio and television interviews, and thousands of newspaper and
magazine interviews. I have organized demonstrations for our rights and heritage, held
meetings across the world. Under my direction one of the most important state-of-the-art
websites has been created that continues to reach millions of people with our ideas. I
have written and spoken millions of convincing words for our cause and have been continually
publishing effective material for our movement for over thirty years. Finally, I have
published perhaps the most comprehensive, well-written, documented, and effective book ever
written for our cause: My Awakening: a book that took tens of thousands of hours
of painstaking research and writing!
Perhaps it is unseemly to recount my achievements and victories for our cause and for our
people. But when allegations are made against someone, it is important that people recall
all the hardships and sacrifices I have gone through in our fight for our heritage. I have
suffered physical attacks and repeated serious threats to my life, home and family. Because
I have stood up for our ideas, I have endured relentless untrue attacks on my character of
the most mean-spirited nature. This was especially true in my political campaigns when our
traditional enemies went all out against me. I recall one leftist journalist who even
alleged that, as a child, I was a "mother hater" who "tried to set his mother on fire." I
have had to simply endure these kinds of vicious attacks because as a public figure I am
not fully protected by libel and slander laws.
Years of relentless government persecution...
Since the 1970s I have been tax-audited regularly, and not just a checkbook type of audit:
the every-scrap, every-receipt, and every-minor-record kind of audit. When I ran and won
the seat in the House of Representatives in Louisiana, almost the entire political
establishment opposed me; even the president of the United States came out against me.
After I was elected, the vice president commented that "We have our ways to get David
Duke.' From the moment of that incredible election victory, government persecution against
me intensified to a frenzy.
Then, when I was elected, I first faced an intensive legal effort to deny me my rightfully
won seat in the House of Representatives. Shortly after the election began years of
intensive, government audits and investigations of every sort on his campaigns, business,
personal taxes, you name it! At one time, seven different government investigations and
audits were going on simultaneously. Can you imagine the burden of such harassment? The
government hoped to find the slightest error that they could construe as a criminal charge
and remove me from my seat. After I left office, they became determined to destroy me
financially and perhaps find some charge to prevent a future political threat to the
establishment from David Duke.
During the middle 1990s I had to pay tens of thousands of dollars to tax attorneys and
CPAs. But with the government going all-out to get me, I had no choice but to get expert
tax and legal advice. Legal work also had to be done when the federal government launched
investigations of my campaigns for U.S. Senate. Investigations of my state campaigns were
also launched. By the way, none of these intensive investigations indicated even the
slightest financial wrongdoing or personal gain on my part. I even faced a serious lawsuit
filed against me personally from the time of my U.S. Senate campaign. I faced a
time-consuming, nerve-racking, never-ending battle for the truth. Many friends have asked
me how I put up with so much for all these years and still kept fighting. In fact, the
efforts against me have always only intensified my efforts. During these difficult periods
I am proud to say that I have accomplished much work, including the writing and promotion
of My Awakening! And I am working on completing two more books even as I write
Yes, the feds have wanted to destroy me and my work for years. They have spent millions
trying, and for what reason? What is my great crime? Have I been a drug runner, a child
molester, a mobster? There has never been an allegation that as an elected official I ever
took a bribe, used improper influence or engaged in any corruption. My great crime is that
I have dared to stand up publicly for the rights and heritage of European Americans, and
more important, that I have been very effective at it. That is my terrible crime, an
unforgivable sin in the eyes of those who want to rule us. Ironically, America presents
itself to the world as a place where everyone is politically free to advocate and promote
any viewpoint, but the government efforts against me show that your political viewpoints do
Trying to undermine my support...
Jordan and his colleague, the black Treasury agent, finally settled on a strategy to try to
discredit me publicly, destroy my base of financial support, and then hopefully jail and
silence me for good. It is similar to an enemy's propaganda effort in a war. When a
country is at war with another, it will try to sow seeds of dissent in its enemy's home
base. The Viet Nam War was perfect example of that. Our traditional enemies worked hard
to erode the support our servicemen had from their own government and their own people, and
In the same way, the government now seeks to erode my base of support because without your
support, my work is crippled. Without having had any complaints from any of my supporters,
a virtual army of FBI, Treasury, and Justice Department people descended on hundreds of my
friends all across the country, making all kinds of nasty allegations. Of course, they
show the people only one side of their allegations, and just a visit by the agents is
enough to intimidate some people into never supporting me again. After all, most people
don't want to help someone if it means they might be visited by the FBI.
Of course, the agents cleverly pose as sincere friends who just want to make sure that Duke
supporter's personal gifts go to the European-American cause! Sure! What they really want
to do is stop Duke's work and still his voice. The agents try to insinuate that David Duke
has received their personal gifts and spent them on mansions, women, and gambling. They
show pictures with a pretty girlfriend and suggest I am just a playboy who collects money!
They never talk about my tedious, unrelenting, years of tireless work, such as went into
the research and writing of My Awakening.
The truth is that most people are amazed by what I have accomplished with so little money.
I never talk about how much money we get in, because it is so small that many people will
think our cause is hopeless. In fact, use of personal gift money has helped finance my
newsletter, book, travels, speeches, meetings, press conferences, interviews, internet, as
well as my own living and that of at least two workers. Gifts averaged less than a total
of $100,000 a year! Some additional monies also came from subscriptions to the Duke
Report, book and merchandise sales, and contributions to the Duke Report.
Think about it. Would you not agree that it is a very tiny amount of money for the national
presence and impact that we have made? A supporter who was interviewed by the FBI said
this to one of my staff,
"Even if David Duke had personally made a salary of $100,000 a year for his efforts for
us to use all for himself and his family, it would be a great deal for us. His worth to
our Cause, and his reaching of millions with the truth is inestimable. The truth is that
even if David Duke spent some his personal gift money on mansions, gambling, or art works,
threw it in the ocean, or whatever, it would be his right, and I would say to him 'Right on,
do what you want with your money, just continue the wonderful work you have done for us.'
And really, how much value can one place on the danger to his life and family he has faced
over the years. Even police and firemen get hazardous duty pay. That's why people have
loved him enough to give him personal gifts over the years and will continue to do so, and
that's why are determined to help him even more now!"
The truth is that I didnšt even personally average as much as $100,000 a year in personal
gifts, and, from that total amount came many expenditures associated directly with my
work: portions of unrelenting legal and other expenses associated with Government audits;
tax fees and persecutions over the years; house and office payments; utility bills; postage,
printing, traveling expenses; office equipment and the living expenses of at least two
other people in my office; and the publishing and promoting My Awakening. It is
about the same amount as the average salary of one executive of a single small company in
America. Actually, I am quite proud of what I have accomplished with so little money. In
fact, the fact that we have always struggled from lack of sufficient funds led me to try
some unorthodox methods to try to solve this perennial movement problem. And these efforts
are main thing the government is trying to use to discredit me.
The gambling smear...
I have always believed that if we were to build a movement that could change the world, we
had to find a way to bring some real money into the cause. I was willing to try any legal
avenue, even if it seemed unusual. About fifteen years ago, a friend in the cause who was
an expert in the complex science of factor analysis devised a system that seemed to give
one a good mathematical chance to beat the casinos. I became fascinated by the idea.
After working with computer experts, we developed a complex computer program and ran it
successfully. Convinced that the system had promise, I used it with a limited degree of
success for a period of time, always trying to make it better. A number of associates in
the cause, including my staff members, were fully aware of the project.
I may have been like Edgar Allen Poe's knight who searched in vain for the fabled treasure
of El Dorado. I was always searching for ways to bring in the large sums of money that our
cause needed, and although beating the odds at the casinos seemed unorthodox, even a bit
foolish, it seemed to work. I hoped that I could perfect the system and find a way to
permanently finance our activities. If even a consistent small return could be garnered
from such a system, it could bring millions into the movement. In fact, the system did
well enough that I reported winnings on tax returns for a number of years in a row. The
problem of course, is that many people oppose any sort of gambling, and rightfully so, as
it is a very destructive force to society. But, what poetic justice I thought it would be
to beat the casino owners at their own game and turn the money to our cause!
The agents cleverly use a giver's personal opposition to gambling to try to turn them
against me. When the feds go and visit people, they usually don't bring black activist
Eddie Jordan or the black lead Treasury agent or even speak about Eddie Jordan's role in
all this. They say different things to different people, but many people have reported
that the feds have alleged that Duke lives in a mansion in Mandeville, and they show
pictures of a pretty girlfriend and suggest David Duke has spent lavish money on her, and
then they show selected records at casinos, showing large transactions and large losses.
They donšt however show the winnings, and I will prove in court, if necessary, that although
there were ups and downs, overall, I won rather than lost. I will produce evidence of that
from both witnesses and official records. And I also have records of significant additional
expenditures in cash on movement projects that could have only come from winnings the
government doesn't talk about.
In retrospect, I must admit it was poor judgment on my part ever to try this unorthodox
system, but at the time I used the system I was deeply frustrated by the lack of overall
success of the movement and the continuing losses of the European American. I knew that
unless the tide of immigration was stemmed quickly, we would be outnumbered and outvoted in
our own country! I was desperately searching for way to bring in the funds we needed. In
short, we needed a miracle, and I tried to create one. I also was keenly aware that all I
had needed for victory in the U.S. Senate races or the Governor's race were funds simply
equal to the other candidates (I was always enormously outspent). I dreamed that if I
could develop a workable casino system that brought a small percentage of positive return,
I could bring in unlimited funds to our cause, both for our political work and
organizational needs. The system that I employed at the casinos was a sincere effort to
find a way to raise funds for the cause, not a "lavish spending spree."
The feds try to depict me as a big-spending playboy, which my close friends think is
incredibly funny. Because they know that in reality I am very frugal. In My Awakening
I describe my family's spending habits as "Scottish." As everyone who knows me can attest,
when I travel, I get the super-discounted fares, never fly first class or business class,
stay at inexpensive motels, eat modest meals in modest restaurants, do not drink except for
a beer once in a while. I always go out of the way to get good prices on office equipment,
printing and supplies for the Duke Report and the European Rights Organization, and
I searched long and hard to get an excellent buy on my home and office. I have even bought
my cars from friends in the automobile business at wholesale prices and sold them usually
for a profit a year or so later, meaning that it has cost almost nothing for me to drive
over the years. I have made the dollar go tremendously far for both my work and in my
personal life. I have also made some wise investments. At the same time, I believe many
will back me up in saying that I have been generous to friends who needed my help and have
even financially aided Movement families and individuals who were in financial
Still, I came to realize that using the system in casinos could, among some people, reflect
poorly on my newly released life's work: My Awakening. Also, after trying to
perfect the system for a long time, it never seemed to work well enough to employ on a huge
scale. So, at the end of 1998 I gave up this quixotic quest and never gambled or used the
system again. I have not been back to casinos since and will never go back. (This was
long before the beginning of the Federal investigation into the Duke-Foster dealings.)
Making "personal gift" not a gift...
For the Feds to create a case, the first thing they must do is classify the money I received
as not truly personal gifts. Yet, donors designated clearly on all the checks in their
letters that they were in fact specifically: "personal gifts." After the investigation
started, I also wrote all the givers and asked them to clarify if the gifts were truly
personal gifts that David Duke "could use any way he wished." Practically everyone
responded by writing back that the gifts were 'truly personal gifts that Duke could spend
anyway he deemed fit." Out of thousands of returns which are now safely stored, only two
wrote back that they thought their remittance was not a personal gift.
For the government to manufacture a case against me, they also must find aggrieved parties,
and the agents have been working hard at trying to create some, visiting hundreds of people.
My office has heard from most of them. At least two agents show up, usually without the
black lead agent, and begin reciting lurid rumors and stories about Duke. Of course, for
many people, just having the FBI come talk to them makes a big impression, as many people
are in awe of them. The agents, of course, give only their side of the story and try to
make the givers angry at Duke. Some who have made steady gifts over years are sometimes
falsely promised the whole amount will be returned to them if they cooperate, and for a few
people, that could be a substantial amount and considerable enticement.
Yet, the massive government effort to create "victims" has spectacularly failed. Out of
hundreds of interviews with people who gave me personal gifts, agents have only persuaded a
handful to go along with them. Even more important, hundreds of my supporters have contacted
my attorneys. They are eager to testify truthfully that it was clear to them from my
letters and statements that these were truly personal gifts to use as I saw fit. Dozens
who were visited by federal agents are also anxious to talk about the enticements,
misstatements, and smear campaign against me the agents have used to try to induce them to
testify on the federal government's side. Some even said that the agents made veiled
threats against them on unrelated matters; that unless they would cooperate they might
endure their own tax problems, or that they might be treated favorably on their own current
tax problems if they went along with the federal government against me. If this case goes
to trial, when supporters relate the agents' false claims such as Duke's "mansion" and
agents' lurid stories about Duke's girlfriend, it will severely discredit the government in
court. The jury will see how these untruths told by Federal agents could have biased and
improperly influenced witnesses against Duke to create victims and a crime where none
One can understand why people might cooperate with the agents. They were not given all the
facts and were manipulated by skilled interrogators. Once someone cooperates, it becomes
difficult for him to back down and admit he made a mistake. But on the witness stand, it
is likely some will admit they have been very pleased with my efforts, and that whether or
not they approve of everything I have ever done, they certainly must acknowledge that have
worked wonders with the relatively small amount of funds I have received over the years.
One thing is certain; I can certainly prove that I have indeed spent very large sums of
money on legal defense and many other aspects of his work for our cause, as well as my
personal life. I can also prove that I have worked tirelessly for the cause and will
refute the playboy, character-assassination image invented by the government.
Even if the Federals could win the argument that the gifts weren't gifts, I will have
expert financial and accounting professionals who will show that accounting principles
prove there were no illegal financial dealings on my part. For instance, even if it is
argued that John Doe's funds are not in the form of personal gifts, but for specific
purposes, say to help with legal expenses or with publishing my book, if John Doe already
paid legal or publishing expenses from borrowed or other funds in that amount, and then
uses the new funds for other things, or if John Doe uses the new funds for other things
first, and then pays the legal or publishing expenses from his own pocket, there is nothing
illegal and improper.
This accepted legal and accounting principle is called the "common pot." Perhaps the
easiest way to explain it is this way. Say a person gives a child a dollar for an ice
cream cone. The child puts the dollar in his wallet where he has his own money. He takes
out one of his own dollars and buys and ice cream and uses the specific dollar given to him
for a sling shot. Obviously the child has used the money for the specific purpose for
which it was given, but technically it wasn't the same dollar that was given him. Even if
the government was able to argue that my personal gifts were not of a completely free
nature, but for a specific purpose, I can easily show how the legal and other expenses
associated with the ongoing promotion of our cause were actually greater than the amount of
personal gifts that could be construed as received for a specific purpose.
For instance, I certainly would have every legal right to have used my personal gift money
to pay the many legal, traveling, organizing and other expenses that I actually paid from
my own publishing account; the Duke Report. If personal gift money would have been
used directly used to pay those bills instead of Duke Report money, the Duke
Report would have had a much larger amount of money. And of course, I have every right
to freely use funds from my own publishing business for whatever purpose I desire. So,
even if the feds construe the gifts not as free personal gifts, but as for specific
purposes in the cause, it can be shown that the entire dollar amount of gift money was not
sufficient even to cover my expenditures for those purposes.
Therefore, by any possible standard, I have done nothing illegal, nor violated anyone's
The essence of the case is clearly as one attorney described it to a friend of mine, "a
Trying to silence David Duke...
The government, which would seek to load up a possible indictment, would also love to
manufacture a money-laundering charge. Money laundering is an offense created as a weapon
used in the drug war, and as someone said correctly, unfortunately in a war there are no
constitutional or civil rights for the enemy. It is the allegation that someone tried to
hide criminal revenue. Its purpose is simply to tack on many years to an already lengthy
sentence. Often it carries a more severe penalty than the crimes themselves. But, to
convict for money laundering, an underlying crime (there is none) must be proven and
convicted, and then it must be proven that the person tried to criminally hide it. The
government put out to the media that I laundered money when my longtime former girlfriend
(whom I planned to marry) opened an account in her name in which I deposited checks.
However, the Feds conveniently failed to reveal to the press the fact that I had also put
my own Social Security number on the account and endorsed the checks. And I continued to
use the account in my own name after we parted. In fact, I still today use this account.
That is certainly not attempting to hide anything! And of course, there is no underlying
It must be remembered that I had been repeatedly audited by the IRS and gone through an
extensive, four-year audit costing upwards of a hundred thousand dollars in legal fees and
federal costs. I knew I was likely to be audited every year. It should be obvious to
anyone that I had no intention to do anything illegal or hide anything, as I knew I was one
of the most-watched men in America. I also knew that the IRS and government had complete
access to all my financial dealings and records through my Social Security number which was
on all my credit cards, bank accounts, loans, etc. Anytime I received money from credit
cards or paid money to credit cards, the credit card with my social security number would
have complete records of it. For years the feds audited and investigated me thoroughly,
having access to the same information they now have, and in fact, IRS examiners were fully
aware of my non-taxable personal gifts, the IRS code clearly states that gifts are
non-taxable, and I had extensive legal advice from attorneys that personal gifts were
indeed not taxable. So, over the years the government was completely aware that I was
given many personal gifts, and never was their propriety questioned, only now under the
initiation of Eddie Jordan seeking some way to "get David Duke" have these things become
Under the tenure of Eddie Jordan, right after I came within a percentage point of winning a
runoff for U.S. Congress, and after the release of my groundbreaking book, My Awakening,
came this attempt of the federal government to manufacture a case against me that reaches
all the way back to 1995.
To show U.S. attorney Eddie Jordan's political corruption, I can quote one of my biggest
media enemies, Tyler Bridges. In his new book about Edwin Edwards, Bridges talks about
Eddie Jordan's decision not to indict black senator Cleo Fields, even after Cleo was caught
red-handed on video tape taking illegal money from Edwin Edwards. Even Tyler Bridges,
obviously no friend of mine, admits Jordan's corruption. Here is a quote from Bridges new
book, which was quoted in the New Orleans' Times-Picayune on June 6, 2001.
During this same period, Jordan was putting himself at odds with his law enforcement
associates on another highly sensitive matter: whether to indict Cleo Fields, who had lost
the 1995 governor's race to Mike Foster while in Congress and was now back in the Louisiana
state Senate. Along with New Orleans congressman William Jefferson, Fields was considered
one of Louisiana's two most powerful black politicians. Most of the federal officials
working the Edwards case considered Fields to be corrupt.
On March 24, 1997, the video camera above the desk in Edwards' law office had captured
Fields stuffing his pocket with a thick wad of $100 bills -- $20,000 total -- that the
former governor had just handed him. The tape prompted the Clinton administration to
withdraw a top White House job that Fields already had accepted. Cleveland, Santini, Irwin
and the other federal officials working the case theorized that Edwards had given Fields
the cash to pay off a member of the gambling board to help secure the 15th and final
riverboat license for his friend Eddie DeBartolo, the real estate baron and owner of the
San Francisco Forty-Niners football team. They argued that Fields should be
With a lawyer at his side, Fields met with two FBI agents in an attempt to head them off,
but clammed up after only a few minutes of questioning. He and his lawyer then went
straight to Jordan, who was more receptive.
After the meeting, Jordan told his assistant prosecutors that he didn't think they had
grounds to indict Fields. Practically all of them disagreed. When Fields appeared before
a federal grand jury, he bolstered their suspicions by taking the Fifth Amendment, refusing
to testify on grounds that he might incriminate himself.
In a later meeting, Cleveland repeatedly pressed Jordan to change his mind, arguing that if
they didn't indict Fields, they wouldn't convince a jury to convict state Sen. Greg Tarver
of Shreveport, who was also under investigation for allegedly helping Edwards improperly
influence the gambling board. Because the case against Tarver hinged on the argument that
Edwards had passed money to him through Fields, not indicting Fields would leave a missing
"Cleo's the guy on tape who got the money," Cleveland told Jordan. Besides, he added, "if
we don't indict this guy now, we'll be working him for the next 20 years."
Less diplomatic, Steve Irwin blew a gasket in a separate meeting, screaming at his boss
that they had to indict Fields. Jordan was unmoved; within three weeks he had removed
Irwin from the case.
Jim DeSarno, who preceded Mathews as head of the FBI's Louisiana office, would later say of
the decision not to indict Fields, "I think Eddie Jordan let him off the hook."
Privately, Irwin assumed that Fields had a political patron who kept Jordan from indicting
him. Later, after Fields' brush with indictment became public, critics would say that
Jordan was protecting Fields' political career.
So, over the objections of almost all his assistants, U.S. attorney Eddie Jordan let the
most powerful black political leader in Louisiana off the hook, and in the process he
purposely sabotaged the case against Sen. Tarver (the two leading black politicians
involved in the Edwards case) causing them to be set free. The truth is that Eddie Jordan
should be indicted for "obstruction of Justice." The question naturally arises, "If Jordan
refuses to prosecute, for political reasons, black political leaders who are obviously
guilty, would he be likely to prosecute a White 'racist,' personal enemy, who is
The answer to that question also answers the question of why I face unrelenting political
persecution. I am the most politically incorrect public figure in America. As you can see
by my letter, if I am indicted by the federal government, I will have an excellent chance
of winning the case and really exposing the use of the legal system to suppress political
If there were no politics involved in this case, it would have never even begun, because
its origin is political from its start. But, this case also poses big political problems
for Republicans. If the Democrats would have proceeded with this weak case under the
Clinton administration and lost, the media would simply say, "They tried." If the
Republicans don't proceed on this weak case handed to them by Eddie Jordan and the liberal
Democrats, it dies quietly with time as the Fields case. But, if the Republican
administration proceeds with this poorly constructed, Democrat-initiated case, it would
then become a big problem for Republicans, for if they lose it the Democrats and the media
will allege that Republicans muffed Jordan's case against Duke, or even worse, that they
secretly sympathized with Duke and didn't sincerely try to convict him.
They also must deal with the Cleo Fields case. All the people of Louisiana viewed the
video tape showing black Sen. Cleo Fields taking a wad of $100 bills from Edward Edwards
that was so big that he couldn't even stuff it in his pocket. In fact, the Video was used
as one of the key pieces of evidence in the conviction of Edward Edwards of public
malfeasance. Everybody wants to know why this clearly guilty individual, who was caught
red-handed, was not indicted. He won't be. But think about the contrast in everyone's mind
if the U.S. attorney which will not indict black Senator Cleo Fields, indicts me on
this groundless case. No matter what spin the feds put on it, I guarantee the public will
see the hypocrisy.
Also, it should be remembered that I have on two occasions received over sixty percent of
the White vote in Louisiana, this after intensive smear campaigns by the media and my
opponents. I have a loyal following, and any representative jury pool would very likely
Of course, I have no wish for an indictment, but a trial would put me back on the front
pages for a long time, and cause the sale of tens of thousands of copies of My
Awakening. If I am found innocent, which I think would occur, it would enhance my
persona. An indictment and ultimate vindication may well propel me back into Louisiana
politics; perhaps even make me the next U.S. Senator from the state of Louisiana.
Actually, I really don't want to get back in Louisiana politics, for I am enjoying the
writing, traveling and speaking I am doing around the world for our cause, and I think that
the deeper and more enduring work I am now doing will bring big dividends in the future for
our cause. However, a trial and vindication could create an opportunity that could pull me
back into Louisiana politics.
Still, this is the most serious threat to my life and freedom that I have ever faced. I
have had to spend much time and effort and money preparing for the possibility of
indictment. In next few years I plan to do much vital work for our cause. My new books
should be published in the next few months. It would be a shame if I become locked away in
the federal gulags. Yet, even there I wouldn't be silent, I could still write and the
power of my words would go far beyond my prison cell. To many young patriots I would
become a martyr, spurring them on. But please, I certainly have no desire to become a
martyr, so I do need your support now more than ever.
This persecution from the previous liberal administration has already succeeded in some
ways in hurting me. It has cost me thousands of dollars in legal and accounting expenses.
It has taken much of my valuable time and exacted its toll in the pressure and worry placed
upon me. In the face of the federal government's unlimited funds and servants, as one man,
I have withstood the onslaught and continued the struggle for our rights and heritage. A
supporter told me that a weaker man would long ago have given up and moved on to other
careers which offer more personal reward. Well, I really don't believe that I am all that
strong, but I can tell you that I am so passionately dedicated to our people and this cause
that I will continue to do whatever is necessary for the future of our people.
It is said that persecution is the water that feeds the growth of ideas. This was so for
the Christian Church as well as many historical movements for freedom. By trying to
inflict such hurt upon me, perhaps the federal government, in the end will only make me
and, indeed, all of us in the movement, stronger! I have certainly not always made the
right decisions in every aspect of my life. I am a man with many flaws, maybe even more
than most, but perhaps the very best proof of my effectiveness for us is the unrelenting
efforts of our enemies against me.
I would never have endured the attacks, frustrations, tedious and unending work, dangers
and relentless persecutions for money. No amount of money is worth that. I hope this
letter will help acquaint you with a deeper understanding of the forces at work against me,
and I pray that you will continue your support with even more resolve . . . for my life has
been about one thing: the deep and abiding love I have for our people that makes me fight
for them . . . no matter what the cost.