Part Two: The Movement and Definitions
William Randolph Royere III
The Movement and Definitions
This report identifies and analyzes divisions in the White Power movement, but even this seemingly simple statement evokes questions. For example, what do we mean when we discuss the Movement? What is this Movement that we studied for five years?
Until we answer these questions, Movement leaders cannot make any practical use of our data or observations. We therefore begin by defining The Movement within the context of Snowdrifts.
We break our definition into three parts:
A generalized conceptualization of The Movement
The Movement and Ideology
Specific groups identified as Movement cells
A Generalized Conceptualization of The Movement
In the most general sense, The Movement isn't a group, a cell, or an individual, but instead, a phenomenon. This phenomenon is the sum of all conscious efforts by Europeans everywhere to preserve, promote, or encourage European community and survival.
We extended this classification even to persons who yearn for but lack any practical means to manifest such community and survival. We didn't, for example, enforce the steely distinction that Hitler drew between supporters and members. Rather, when modeling The Movement, we included all Europeans who work for or hope for our success.
Our reasons were fundamental: even the argument of who qualifies as a Movement member of value (and who doesn't) promotes derision. We've seen and heard (and we'll later explore) assertions from intellectual Movement members that "...skins who drink beer and get rowdy are no good for us." We've also seen and heard skins (who drink beer and get rowdy) label Movement intellectuals as "ineffectual, lazy, armchair activists. The struggle is in the streets!"
From the outset, we rejected any such restrictive classifications and instead, presumed nothing but this: proud Europeans, no matter what their economic or social standing, no matter what their schooling, and no matter what their overlapping ideology, were and are, one and all, legitimate Movement components. These components, we reasoned, collectively comprised the European Soul's externalized struggle for existence and survival. The faces and labels that such components assume are other matters, which we address in turn.
Hence, whether you're a card-carrying member of a particular group, an active member that engages in direct action, an unaffiliated supporter of WP groups, an underground operative (engaged in lawful or unlawful activity), an avid WP media consumer, or merely a lone, concerned European who as yet maintains no membership in or support of an identifiable group, this report took you into account.
We didn't (and won't) make moral or sociological judgments of our own peoples, and we embraced one and all, lawful and unlawful, free and bound, male and female, single or married, parent or childless, young and old, and right, left, or center. Bottom line: if you're White and proud of it, this report applies to you.
The Movement and Ideology
When we began, we recognized and accepted that the Movement expresses itself differently in different geographical, political, legal, and sociological environments. Knowing this, we purposefully rejected exclusion of any legitimate Movement cell or phenomenon, no matter what ideology it espoused. Our task was solely this: to identify and report divisions in the Movement and offer logical solutions. To do so, we necessarily had to maintain objectivity, and thus, rigorously refuse to favor one Movement ideological expression over another, even when such ideological expression offended our personal beliefs.
As you'll soon read, this tested our limits. For, the Movement has many faces, and thrives in diverse environments. In some such cases, White Power philosophy has fused with ideologies that have not historically proven fertile ground for European preservation. Indeed, some philosophies with which White Power now mixes directly oppose traditional White Power theory. (For example, dedicated White Power Communists exist - and these aren't agents provocateurs or posers. They're serious).
To deal with this issue, we proceeded as follows: without belittling Movement members' personal beliefs (that they superimposed over WP), we analyzed candidate components to ascertain one thing only: was their central theme European racialism? If so, we included said components in Snowdrifts. If not, we excluded them.
However, we should here make an important distinction. In media, especially, some Jews (and many might-as-well-be-Jews-who-aren't) often disingenuously espouse European racialism for profit or to generate ratings. These are faux supporters who secretly despise us but who, for self enrichment, co-opt European outrage.
Outwardly, and at first glance, to some, these individuals and groups seem to qualify for inclusion. (Their rhetoric, after all, indirectly benefits the Movement). In the past, some racialists, willing to embrace any public expression of European solidarity, included such impostors in our fold. We, however, flatly rejected them.
Neo-conservatives and such are, in reference to Snowdrifts, hustlers. We aimed for an accurate sample of WP Movement components, not values unduly tainted with half commitments, posturing, capitalistic schemes and so forth. We struck for the heart of WP, the regions of Earth, our streets, and cyberspace where real Europeans love real Europeans for exclusively heartfelt racial and spiritual reasons. Anyone else, we reasoned, was irrelevant.
Specific Groups Identified As Movement Cells
We next turn to our project's scope and what groups and sub-groups it included. This passage will clear (in any racialist's mind) the issue of whether we missed anyone.
First, when we write of "groups," you will doubtless invoke images in your mind of well know, well established White Power or racialist groups, organizations, or entities, including but not limited to:
Blood & Honour
British National Party
National Identity (Spain)
Russian National Unity
The Identity Movement
White Aryan Resistance
World Church of the Creator
Certainly, these groups (diverse in character) are well known and well respected. But they don't constitute all or even a majority of Movement groups or cells. They are merely the crests of the WP wave, publicly visible expressions of a silent majority in European nations.
We dug deeper than this, under every stone. Beneath such stones, we found groups that consist of small student organizations (often with only twenty or fewer members), cells whose major contributions are the unlawful transportation of weapons in America, Canada, and Europe, and even a cell or two whose primary function we could more aptly characterize as organized crime (with a WP core philosophy).
Conversely -- at the spectrum's opposite end -- we assayed suit-and-tie capitalists who work within societal, governmental, and corporate structures that most grass-roots racialists despise. We found bona fide racialists there, too, under deep cover. (At least two occupy high level positions in our current American government).
Some such groups are under deep enough cover that we cannot reveal their names or locations. However, as the Snowdrifts report becomes more popularly circulated, the subtle facts we leave herein will signal those groups that we included (and discuss) them, too. In essence, we missed little.
Finally, we address our methodology. Note that some Movement leaders might prefer that we withhold this information, for, our methodology occurred at a "high" level. However, to communicate how this report is of service, we necessarily had to proceed in this manner. This isn't a propaganda document. Its purpose isn't to convince Movement supporters of anything in particular. Rather, we wrote it to inform, not to indoctrinate, pontificate, or recruit.
High, by the way, in this context, is approximately equivalent to the term that programmers use to describe how programming languages pass instructions and data structures. High-level languages deal more with classes, data inheritance, and data structures.
Casting aside core racial philosophies that nearly all aforementioned groups share, we instead studied both their entrenched and peripheral philosophical foundations as structures, not creeds per se. That is, we sought to determine the evolutionary characteristics of each such philosophy and from this, make educated guesses as to how such ideas could promote across-the-board cooperation, over the long haul.
For non-computer-literate readers, we offer this analogy: imagine that each Movement cell's philosophy was one component of a Lego set. Such components sport pins which, when fitted into holes from other pieces, join with other such components seamlessly. Unfortunately, political movements do not evolve in this manner, and groups that share a core philosophy - but differ on important points - do not seamlessly fit together. Indeed, sometimes, like human cells, they divide (and keeping dividing).
Our job, therefore, was to search as much for common denominators as for differences and divisions. From this data, we tried to construct a model of the WP Movement and anticipate areas that need immediate attention. Because the WP movement, notwithstanding the phenomenon of leaderless resistance, must rely on leaders at some point, we ask that WP leaders reserve judgment on Snowdrifts until its completion.
We solemnly guarantee that we included -- by an overwhelming margin -- more supportive information and observations (for all Movement cells) than not. In other words, we didn't write this report to bash your respective organizations. Rather, we wrote it to explore possible avenues of increasing (not tearing down) European unity.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH ROYERE III