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Lindbergh: The Des Moines Speech (1941)
This concerns the famous flyer Charles Lindbergh, who the media loves to
suggest was an evil "Hitler-lover" in the most negative way possible, whenever a Lindbergh
article longer than 1 paragraph appears in a magazine
or newspaper.
The important part here, in this Lindbergh speech below, is that it
dovetails with what U. S. General Mosely said as well (Mosely's quote follows Lindbergh's
speech).
Further, a quote from the Forrestal Diaries (last quote, far below) suggests
pretty much the same thing as the first two.
-- CPTWC [Center for the Preservation of Traditional Western Culture]
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It is now two years since this latest European war began. From that day in
September, 1939, until the present moment, there has been an over-increasing
effort to force the United States into the conflict.
That effort has been carried on by foreign interests, and by a small
minority of our own people; but it has been so successful that, today, our country
stands on the verge of war.
At this time, as the war is about to enter its third winter, it seems
appropriate to review the circumstances that have led us to our present
position. Why are we on the verge of war? Was it necessary for us to become
so deeply involved? Who is responsible for changing our national policy from
one of neutrality and independence to one of entanglement in European
affairs?
Personally, I believe there is no better argument against our intervention
than a study of the causes and developments of the present war. I have often
said that if the true facts and issues were placed before the American
people, there would be no danger of our involvement.
Here, I would like to point out to you a fundamental difference between the
groups who advocate foreign war, and those who believe in an independent
destiny for America.
If you will look back over the record, you will find that those of us who
oppose intervention have constantly tried to clarify facts and issues; while
the interventionists have tried to hide facts and confuse issues.
We ask you to read what we said last month, last year, and even before the
war began. Our record is open and clear, and we are proud of it.
We have not led you on by subterfuge and propaganda. We have not resorted to
steps short of anything, in order to take the American people where they did
not want to go.
What we said before the elections, we say [illegible] and again, and again
today. And we will not tell you tomorrow that it was just campaign oratory.
Have you ever heard an interventionist, or a British agent, or a member of
the administration in Washington ask you to go back and study a record of
what they have said since the war started? Are their self-styled defenders
of democracy willing to put the issue of war to a vote of our people? Do you
find these crusaders for foreign freedom of speech, or the removal of
censorship here in our own country?
The subterfuge and propaganda that exists in our country is obvious on every
side. Tonight, I shall try to pierce through a portion of it, to the naked
facts which lie beneath.
When this war started in Europe, it was clear that the American people were
solidly opposed to entering it. Why shouldn't we be? We had the best
defensive position in the world; we had a tradition of independence from
Europe; and the one time we did take part in a European war left European
problems unsolved, and debts to America unpaid.
National polls showed that when England and France declared war on Germany,
in 1939, less than 10 percent of our population favored a similar course for
America. But there were various groups of people, here and abroad, whose
interests and beliefs necessitated the involvement of the United States in
the war. I shall point out some of these groups tonight, and outline their
methods of procedure. In doing this, I must speak with the utmost frankness,
for in order to counteract their efforts, we must know exactly who they are.
The three most important groups who have been pressing this country toward
war are the British, the Jewish and the Roosevelt administration.
Behind these groups, but of lesser importance, are a number of capitalists,
Anglophiles, and intellectuals who believe that the future of mankind
depends upon the domination of the British empire. Add to these the Communistic
groups who were opposed to intervention until a few weeks ago, and I believe
I have named the major war agitators in this country.
I am speaking here only of war agitators, not of those sincere but misguided
men and women who, confused by misinformation and frightened by propaganda,
follow the lead of the war agitators.
As I have said, these war agitators comprise only a small minority of our
people; but they control a tremendous influence. Against the determination
of the American people to stay out of war, they have marshaled the power of
their propaganda, their money, their patronage.
Let us consider these groups, one at a time.
First, the British: It is obvious and perfectly understandable that Great
Britain wants the United States in the war on her side. England is now in a
desperate position. Her population is not large enough and her armies are
not strong enough to invade the continent of Europe and win the war she declared
against Germany.
Her geographical position is such that she cannot win the war by the use of
aviation alone, regardless of how many planes we send her. Even if America
entered the war, it is improbable that the Allied armies could invade Europe
and overwhelm the Axis powers. But one thing is certain. If England can draw
this country into the war, she can shift to our shoulders a large portion of
the responsibility for waging it and for paying its cost.
As you all know, we were left with the debts of the last European war; and
unless we are more cautious in the future than we have been in the past, we
will be left with the debts of the present case. If it were not for her hope
that she can make us responsible for the war financially, as well as
militarily, I believe England would have negotiated a peace in Europe many
months ago, and be better off for doing so.
England has devoted, and will continue to devote every effort to get us into
the war. We know that she spent huge sums of money in this country during
the last war in order to involve us. Englishmen have written books about the
cleverness of its use.
We know that England is spending great sums of money for propaganda in
America during the present war. If we were Englishmen, we would do the same.
But our interest is first in America; and as Americans, it is essential for
us to realize the effort that British interests are making to draw us into
their war.
The second major group I mentioned is the Jewish.
It is not difficult to understand why Jewish people desire the overthrow of
Nazi Germany. The persecution they suffered in Germany would be sufficient
to make bitter enemies of any race.
No person with a sense of the dignity of mankind can condone the persecution
of the Jewish race in Germany. But no person of honesty and vision can look
on their pro-war policy here today without seeing the dangers involved in
such a policy both for us and for them. Instead of agitating for war, the
Jewish groups in this country should be opposing it in every possible way
for they will be among the first to feel its consequences.
Tolerance is a virtue that depends upon peace and strength. History shows
that it cannot survive war and devastations. A few far-sighted Jewish people
realize this and stand opposed to intervention. But the majority still do
not.
Their greatest danger to this country lies in their large ownership and
influence in our motion pictures, our press, our radio and our government.
I am not attacking either the Jewish or the British people. Both races, I
admire. But I am saying that the leaders of both the British and the Jewish
races, for reasons which are as understandable from their viewpoint as they
are inadvisable from ours, for reasons which are not American, wish to
involve us in the war.
We cannot blame them for looking out for what they believe to be their own
interests, but we also must look out for ours. We cannot allow the natural
passions and prejudices of other peoples to lead our country to destruction.
The Roosevelt administration is the third powerful group which has been
carrying this country toward war. Its members have used the war emergency to
obtain a third presidential term for the first time in American history.
They
have used the war to add unlimited billions to a debt which was already the
highest we have ever known. And they have just used the war to justify the
restriction of congressional power, and the assumption of dictatorial
procedures on the part of the president and his appointees.
The power of the Roosevelt administration depends upon the maintenance of a
wartime emergency. The prestige of the Roosevelt administration depends upon
the success of Great Britain to whom the president attached his political
future at a time when most people thought that England and France would
easily win the war. The danger of the Roosevelt administration lies in its
subterfuge. While its members have promised us peace, they have led us to
war heedless of the platform upon which they were elected.
In selecting these three groups as the major agitators for war, I have
included only those whose support is essential to the war party. If any one
of these groups--the British, the Jewish, or the administration--stops
agitating for war, I believe there will be little danger of our involvement.
I do not believe that any two of them are powerful enough to carry this
country to war without the support of the third. And to these three, as I
have said, all other war groups are of secondary importance.
When hostilities commenced in Europe, in 1939, it was realized by these
groups that the American people had no intention of entering the war. They
knew it would be worse than useless to ask us for a declaration of war at
that time. But they believed that this country could be entered into the war
in very much the same way we were entered into the last one.
They planned: first, to prepare the United States for foreign war under the
guise of American defense; second, to involve us in the war, step by step,
without our realization; third, to create a series of incidents which would
force us into the actual conflict. These plans were of course, to be covered
and assisted by the full power of their propaganda.
Our theaters soon became filled with plays portraying the glory of war.
Newsreels lost all semblance of objectivity. Newspapers and magazines began
to lose advertising if they carried anti-war articles. A smear campaign was
instituted against individuals who opposed intervention. The terms "fifth
columnist," "traitor," "Nazi," "anti-Semitic" were thrown ceaselessly at any
one who dared to suggest that it was not to the best interests of the United
States to enter the war. Men lost their jobs if they were frankly anti-war.
Many others dared no longer speak.
Before long, lecture halls that were open to the advocates of war were
closed to speakers who opposed it. A fear campaign was inaugurated. We were told
that aviation, which has held the British fleet off the continent of Europe,
made America more vulnerable than ever before to invasion. Propaganda was in
full swing.
There was no difficulty in obtaining billions of dollars for arms under the
guise of defending America. Our people stood united on a program of defense.
Congress passed appropriation after appropriation for guns and planes and
battleships, with the approval of the overwhelming majority of our citizens.
That a large portion of these appropriations was to be used to build arms
for Europe, we did not learn until later. That was another step.
To use a specific example; in 1939, we were told that we should increase our
air corps to a total of 5,000 planes. Congress passed the necessary
legislation. A few months later, the administration told us that the United
States should have at least 50,000 planes for our national safety. But
almost as fast as fighting planes were turned out from our factories, they were
sent abroad, although our own air corps was in the utmost need of new equipment;
so that today, two years after the start of war, the American army has a few
hundred thoroughly modern bombers and fighters--less in fact, than Germany
is able to produce in a single month.
Ever since its inception, our arms program has been laid out for the purpose
of carrying on the war in Europe, far more than for the purpose of building
an adequate defense for America.
Now at the same time we were being prepared for a foreign war, it was
necessary, as I have said, to involve us in the war. This was accomplished
under that now famous phrase "steps short of war."
England and France would win if the United States would only repeal its arms
embargo and sell munitions for cash, we were told. And then [illegible]
began, a refrain that marked every step we took toward war for many
months--"the best way to defend America and keep out of war." we were told,
was "by aiding the Allies."
First, we agreed to sell arms to Europe; next, we agreed to loan arms to
Europe; then we agreed to patrol the ocean for Europe; then we occupied a
European island in the war zone. Now, we have reached the verge of war.
The war groups have succeeded in the first two of their three major steps
into war. The greatest armament program in our history is under way.
We have become involved in the war from practically every standpoint except
actual shooting. Only the creation of sufficient "incidents" yet remains;
and you see the first of these already taking place, according to plan [ill.]--
a plan that was never laid before the American people for their approval.
Men and women of Iowa; only one thing holds this country from war today.
That is the rising opposition of the American people. Our system of democracy and
representative government is on test today as it has never been before. We
are on the verge of a war in which the only victor would be chaos and
prostration.
We are on the verge of a war for which we are still unprepared, and for
which no one has offered a feasible plan for victory--a war which cannot be won
without sending our soldiers across the ocean to force a landing on a
hostile coast against armies stronger than our own.
We are on the verge of war, but it is not yet too late to stay out. It is
not too late to show that no amount of money, or propaganda, or patronage can
force a free and independent people into war against its will. It is not yet
too late to retrieve and to maintain the independent American destiny that
our forefathers established in this new world.
The entire future rests upon our shoulders. It depends upon our action, our
courage, and our intelligence. If you oppose our intervention in the war,
now is the time to make your voice heard.
Help us to organize these meetings; and write to your representatives in
Washington. I tell you that the last stronghold of democracy and
representative government in this country is in our house of representatives
and our senate.
There, we can still make our will known. And if we, the American people, do
that, independence and freedom will continue to live among us, and there
will be no foreign war.
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Here is U. S. General Mosely's quote:
U.S. GENERAL GEORGE VAN HORN MOSELY, in the New York Tribune newspaper,
March 29, 1939:
"The war now proposed is for the purpose of establishing Jewish influence
throughout the world."
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And, from the Forrestal Diaries:
Former Defense Secretary James V. Forrestal is quoted in his diaries ("The
Forrestal Diaries," 1951, by Walter Millis, Viking Press, New York) as
saying
that British Prime Minister Chamberlain stated that the Jewish cabal
surrounding Roosevelt (FDR's closest pals were Jewish, especially the
powerful Zionist judge Brandeis), and "world Jews" had "forced England into
the war." (pages 121-122).
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CPTWC
(Center to Preserve Traditional Western Culture)
Tucson, AZ.
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