The French Revolution, Then and Now
A review of The French Revolution: A Study in Democracy
by Nesta H. Webster (New York: Dutton, 1920)
by Alaric
As the West grows more unstable, the inevitable White revolution is gathering power. Like
that borderland of tension between tectonic plates, the slip, the longer it is delayed and
the more frustration builds, will be the more ferocious and pandemic. And in this ZOG-time
of fairyland literature for yuppies and Brown, Black and Yellow "empowerment," objective
literature written by and for healthy White people is as rare as an honest politician.
So it is time to revisit Nesta Webster's The French Revolution: A Study in Democracy.
White nationalists and anti-Communists have referred to it since its publication. It is
more than a classic; it is the seminal analysis of Egalitarianism in its most insidious form:
"democracy." For this political system is the biggest and most sophisticated lie. It is
the ultimate camouflage for a common, but still peculiar, form of human parasite that found
in the final decade of Royal France its first great opportunity to seize absolute power.
The value of Mrs. Webster's book lies in the way she assembles details of the Mother of
Revolutions. To say she reveals the hidden hands and methods of the Revolution is a short
stop that could divert the reader from recognizing her superb sleuthing skills and sharp
narrative style. She takes us farther: she weds the "revolutionary" personality to a
doctrine which empowered it for the first time, in July 1789. The picture she presents is
not only iconoclastic, it is shocking.
Her book explodes the symbols and causes traditionally taught to helpless schoolchildren,
especially since the Deweyfication of American education. We Americans were taught to
believe that the Revolution was a just rebellion against entrenched, worthless nobles by
starving peasants. This was part of the reality -- but it shared the affair with crises
engineered by political radicals. Mrs. Webster discovered many details herself in obscure
documents in French and other archives. The force immediately behind the surface turmoil
leading to the abdication of King Louis XVI was Illuminatism, wielded by rabble
intellectuals and greedy outsiders and covertly backed, for a time, by the enemies of Royal
France. Mrs. Webster demonstrates that the radical advocates of Illuminatism, in concert
with scoundrels and opportunists, contrived by ingenious ways to block food production and
delivery to Paris. Having thus prepared Paris' rabble, these radicals infiltrated
professional agitators among it, many of them non-French (most Italians), created an "army"
to use against a regime that was already rotten and tottering. It was only a matter of
time ageing the infection. Louis himself, Webster reveals, was thoroughly corrupted by the
vision of universal brotherhood -- so much that he had lost touch with all reality and
ordered his Swiss Guards to stand down as the Parisian mob assaulted his family in
Versailles palace. The Guard, probably in the heat of instinct as it guarded itself, ended
up sealing the family off from the front for a time, and, along with some very brave French
Army officers and men, and a few manly nobles who happened to be on site, prevented the mob
from tearing the royal family apart. All its defenders, however, were killed in the most
vulgar and vicious manner. They fought the mob to death, and the reader will feel the loss
of these brave men, and cannot avoid thinking of the good White men serving in ZOG USA's
forces and possibly destined to perish in some filthy military ploy against the enemies of
the Tel Aviv-London-New York axis.
Having carted Louis, Marie Antoinette, and their children off to a Paris prison, the
Versailles mob commenced an orgy on its grounds which Webster depicts in detail, and it
defies credulity. Everything happened, including torture of some prisoners, gang rapes,
and cannibalism. (Cannibalism occurred disturbingly often among the mobs of Paris, and one
wonders about the savages in American cities -- what will they do?) Likewise another event
we were taught to admire, "the storming of the Bastille," was really sordid and cowardly,
its facts distorted by ZOG-ucation into a romantic act of bravery and justice. There were
no "political prisoners" within, only a few petty criminals. The prison itself was
decrepit and under-guarded, and the stinking, drunken mob which the agitators brought down
on it were motivated by nothing so much as the prospect of loot and blood-sport.
Illuminatism has evolved into a doctrine easily molded by intelligent anarchists and
revolutionaries. The names for this doctrine change, but at its heart is Egalitarianism --
that is, Democracy -- and it has gained sophistication and respectability. Almost anyone
can join; all he or she needs do is deny reality, consign himself to the sugary path of
materialism, and be the sort who can prey on the productive. The Revolution, then, a
purportedly just rebellion by the oppressed and middling people of talent, was actually a
hijacking of a necessary reform movement. Promise the mob, control the mob; use the
managerial and technical skills of the middle class to hold it together as you purge the
existing ruling class. The Revolution as taught is a lie, which explains the runaway
ferocity and cruelty perpetrated against, first, nobles and anyone wealthy. Later on this
movement fueled by blood took on the inevitable witch-hunt character, dragnetting even
urban rabble, peasants, helpless servant girls, and others, for public guillotining. This
phenomenon is predictable, and necessary. The leaders of the Revolution were providing
bread and circuses for the mob, much as today niggerball, tacos, and credit cards are doled
out to control the White herd.
Egalitarianism and Democracy first became a vector in the French Revolution, a reproducible
and malleable tool for overthrowing existing order. The French Revolution was a total
revolution, in contrast to the American Revolution. The colonial elites were forced to
advocate egalitarian values in order to win subordinate support in their revolt against
British royal control. The American Revolution was limited. The absentee control of
wealth and capital in British America, though substantial, was not total. Therefore those
indebted or stymied Colonial elites who wanted to break out of their debt obligations by
nullifying the commerical laws did not need to purge the debt-holders. They were in
Brittain. It was only necessary to neutralize their agents: the colonial governors,
customs inspectors, magistrates, constables, loyalists, some militia officers. In France,
however, though the American Revolution inspired the radicals some, the nobility was
numerous and part of the economic and social and governmental reality. It had a lock on
the laws and had resisted and neutralized all reform movements that the radicals and middle
class wanted most. Hence the long-building rage, when it found an energizing doctrine, cut
loose with such force that the cruelties are still to be wondered at. The rage and the
radicals needed a guiding doctrine; Illuminatism provided it.
The mob then was rallied and directed with a few buzzwords out of the Illuminati's lexicon
of "democracy." Perhaps the efficiency of the printing press had reached a state by this
time so that ideas could be disseminated at a decisive velocity. An idea presented as an
alternative to tradition might be enough to break tradition's "monopoly" on the creation of
reality. That alone.
Mrs. Webster gives much detail on Illuminatism. It was the creation of a Jew, Adam
Weishaupt, a professor of Canon Law (he was a Catholic "convert") at the University of
Ingolstadt, Bavaria. It proved to be perfect cover for destabilizing societies and kings.
Jews, ever on the make to achieve the dominance of the world their religion promises them,
are genius innovators of apocryhpa and deception. The time was right: France weak and her
fisc empty, having lost her North American colonies; the printing press; the army and navy
poorly officered and their morale low; a volatile rabble growing in her cities -- all these
factors and others intersected in the 1770s and '80s. With followers Weishaupt established
the Order of Illuminati in May 1776. Like most ideologies it was taken up first by
academics and intelligent discontents of the type willing to pull down the whole house.
Weishaupt is absolutely the father of egalitarianism-parasitism as a practical, street-effective
revolutionary tool.
Mrs. Webster, writing under the influence of contemporary events in Russia, was moved by
the Bolshevik-White Russian war for control of Russia. In analyzing the French Revolution
she hoped to find the source of the 1917 Revolution, which called for Worker supremacy.
But Mrs. Webster saw through the Bolshevik ostentation. That is to say, she knew the
Bolsheviks were dominated by Jews, and so she understood relation between Illuminatism,
Marxism, and Bolshevism. And it is clear that Mrs. Webster did not like Jews.
Nor did she like Germans. Or maybe it is better to say, she did not trust them, for she
was clearly a British patriot. She gives, as part of her revelations of the German origins
of Illuminatism, a sinister hue to the Prussian King Friederic Wilhelm II (r. 1786-1797).
In fact he did dispatch agents and funds to France to support French Illuminati whom he
hoped would destabilitze the French royal house. Yet, to his credit, Wilhelm withdrew his
support when he learned more about the Illuminati. Writing just after the Great War her
anti-Germanism is understandable. Yet this detracts only a little from the total picture
she presents. She had a domino-theory view of 1780s geopolitics; Britain was to be Prussia's
next victim, after France. Webster does not exonerate Wilhelm for quitting the Illuminati,
nor credit him for sending Prussian forces to aid the army of French exiles and royalists
which invaded but was, unfortunately, defeated by a Jacobin army at Valmy September 20,
1792. Mrs. Webster continued to write and publish into the late 1950s, and she may have
revised her opinion of Germany and Germans in the aftermath of the Second World War, when
International Zionism achieved its triumph of domination over all Western governments. I
have not read her subsequent works.
The French Revolution is valuable also as a primer on economic and psychological warfare. The reader will
win knowledge of the critical methods of mob control. More, Mrs. Webster analyzes the brat,
anarchist-intellectual personality which characterized the leaders of the Revolution:
Marat, Danton, Robespierre, and others. She describes their personal habits, and by them
we see that such people are really materialists and pleasure-loving -- yet by nature
non-productive. They turn to parasitism to win lifestyles they cannot achieve honestly.
Marat, especially, is notable for holing up in the home of a wealthy Parisian and enjoying
a squad of hussies and the best food and wine. He was assassinated by a peasant girl from
Britanny, Charlotte Corday, who wielded a dagger on him in his bathtub. (Look at the horde
of professional world-savers staffing the "non-profit" organizations such as infest
Washington, D.C. How many of them have ever held a real job? And their average income is
higher than that of the average American outside the Beltway.)
After Louis XVI was out of the way the Assemblies governed France. Mrs. Webster skillfully
recreates their composition and how their decent members -- I have in mind the middling
merchants, barristers, technical and professional men -- who wanted to promulgate laws
which would benefit all of France, were neutralized by the radicals. They were motivated
by lusts and vengeance and their hatred of their betters, and the reader will recognize
that these unstable men could go only so far on charisma alone. With mobs outside howling
for wine and food and action and ready to decapitate the assemblymen who didn't deliver,
the Assemblies degenerated into a stalling mechanism whose chief purpose became self-perpetuation
by looting and redistribution. The arrival of a strongman is inevitable in these circumstances,
and Buonaparte was treated as both demi-god and royalty. So much for the wisdom of the
common man. That situation reminds one of the current U.S. Congress: it's all we've got,
but it isn't solving the problems that are taking down this politcal state called the
United States, which is, of course, utterly ZOG-controlled. The United States has no
identity, and neither does Congress. Like the Assemblies, it is a loot-and-spend mechanism
which natural law will soon deal with. This is the principal lesson The French Revolution
offers. He who controls the mob controls the streets, controls the country. Yet the mob
is very, very dangerous, and always demands what it cannot make. The detail of Webster's
book is astounding. And if the devil is in the details, so is the exorcist. A close
reading of this work yields solutions to the plight of Whites. I darersay that, outside of
technical knowledge, it is the only work which White people everywhere need to survive the
coming revolution.
The material means of life will determine the fate of Whites. If food and energy hold out
and sustain the Yellow, Brown and Black hordes invading White lands, they may establish
themselves ineradicably. Then Jews, and their White dupes and lackeys, with their
temporary and unnatural ally, Big Business, shall have their way. I don't think it will
happen, however. The means of life are growing scarcer, and the lines that supply them
ever more tenous. Food quality and water quality are degrading, water reserves are low,
farmland diminishing, and oil supply is a wildcard. Worst (or best) of all, the general
level of intelligence is falling throughout the White world, through miscegenation and dumb
education. Mediocre people cannot maintain a high-tech civilization. When Whites stop
delivering, the muds will riot (along with degenerate Whites). Then that reality will
arrive which some White Nationalists say is the only solution: the destruction of White
Civilization. Starvation, disease, and war will cull the unfit Whites and allow a healthy
White overmind to organize the survivors. The aftermath might be like the Europe following
the Black Death: a shining and potent White homeland, ripe for a Renaissance. Or perhaps
a resurgent Christianity or Odinism, or both, might energize that healthy portion of the
White population. But both systems carry the fatal component "fairness" that will limit
them, and which surely won't impress ruthless, arrogant enemies. Nesta Webster's superb
analysis of the Mother of Revolutions will launch you into a careful investigation of the
possibilities.
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