The Uprising Chapter Two: How the Uprising Began
by Colin Jordan
6 February 2005
[Chapter one here.]
The spectacular removal from office of the loathsome Hammond occurred after several years of the BFF's advance in experience, sophistication and efficacy from its humble beginnings in the year 2003. Then a mere half-dozen passionate patriots had come together in the desire and determination to do something effective, inspired by a charismatic leader, code-named 'The Herald'. He was a man of magically transfixing eyes and the most moving, compulsive words, capable of captivating the beholder and listener with irresistible imagery encapsulating the essence of a holy cause.
The Force was for security structured on units of six men or women all of whom did not know the identity and whereabouts of other members of other units. A unit was commanded by a unit leader, appointed by a regional leader, whom he alone in the unit knew, and who alonee, outside the unit, knew him. In turn, regional leaders did not know the identity and whereabouts of other regional leaders. Only the Commander of the BFF knew and appointed and had contact with them. The operational principle here adhered to was that of limitation of information to those who needed to know.
Recruitment was subject to selection and approach and acceptance by a unit leader. It was always and only the result of long and most careful and patient investigation, surveillance and appraisal. No-one got into the BFF simply by asking. A person was invited to join, and this only after thorough checking and testing and interrogation.
On exceptional occasions at the judgement of a regional leader or the Commander several units took part in a collective operation in the sense of each attending to a distinct aspect or phase of the operation. Such occasional combination was, however, always carefully managed to ensure that the members of different units were never put together in a way conducive to knowledge of the identities of members of another unit.
It was also for considerations of security that cells remained based on urban environments where coming together could excite less attention than in rural environments. Occasionally, though, carefully contrived gatherings in the countryside were arranged. Then it appeared that merely ramblers or mountaineers had assembled for their innocent recreation. It could be on such an outdoor occasion or otherwise within someone's home that a new entrant to the Force graduated from novice to the confirmed status of full Fighter. After a night spent in a sleepless vigil of meditation and dedication, the new entrant took the oath of consecrated service and fidelity, administered by the unit leader before an assembly of the whole unit.
Once in a while 'The Herald' suddenly appeared at a unit meeting, only the unit leader knowing in advance that this would happen. After delivering a short but fiery address, he would shake hands with everyone, while doing so his piercing eyes probing each person and gripping his or her attention in a mesmeric vise, bonding spirit to spirit. He would then leave before the dispersal of the meeting.
The Force started off and felt its way forward in the very first instance by very minor acts of nuisance against supporters of the system, such as the arranged delivery of unwanted and unsolicited goods; the insertion of pay-on-invoice telephone advertisements of a 'House for Sale in respect of opponents' homes, seemingly submitted by the owners; awakening telephone calls in the middle of the night; small coins inserted in bulb sockets between bulb and contacts repeatedly to fuse the lights in enemy premises. Very minor harassment but not by any means negligible in their total and cumulative effect by widespread application and continual repetition; this being the creation and maintenance of an atmosphere of taxing tension hurtful and thereby weakening to the system's supporters, and thereby damaging to the system.
Bogus posters and other faked communications came as a step further in this war of nerves. For instance, an area of Birmingham of intense Coloured settlement was one night plentifully decorated with posters of apparently official origin announcing the forthcoming distribution at the local 'Benefits Office', address supplied, of a "Winter Supplement" to help our new Britons otherwise ethnically disadvantaged by our colder clime. Persons of Afro-Asian origin surnamed A to J were invited to collect the Supplement between 9am and 1pm on a specified Thursday; those whose surnames began with the remainder of the alphabet were asked to call between 2pm and 5pm.
A police car which came upon one of the postering parties in the act of postering was promptly dealt with as intended by an attending team of protectors in a separate vehicle lingering in the background. The two policemen, representatives of a renegade regime, were adroitly and swiftly seized, chloroformed and laid to rest in their vehicle, its ignition key thrown away and some of its equipment usefully confiscated.
The advertised date of the distribution of the largesse was contrived to be so near that the distraught authorities had no real opportunity to issue any effective disclaimer beforehand. The result was that on the appointed day, thousands upon thousands of Coloureds rioted in their rage when, disowning the posters and the Supplement, staff tried to turn them away. The furious new Britons smashed furniture and fittings, broke windows and severely assaulted 'Benefit' staff on the suspicion which was voiced and spread like wildfire that what had really happened was that these staff had pocketed the Supplement themselves.
Other disruptive posters in the bogus-communications campaign included ones in a select, residential area of Manchester announcing the forthcoming, compulsory billeting of refugees from tribal warfare in Zaire. This had the predictable effect of bringing a large number of privileged Whites, content to approve racial integration from afar, to consider this as going too far, and to invade the local Council premises vociferously venting their indignation.
Nothing the harassed officials could say convinced most of the protesters that the posters had been other than genuine, and that the Council had only disowned them deceitfully when the extent of the public uproar caused them to have anxiety concerning the security of their positions come the next election. Such a conclusion was an influential corrosion of confidence at local level.
Job Quota Upset
A striking success was attained by a carefully composed, convincingly genuine-looking letter from the Commission for Racial Equality sent to major firms in the north of England, requiring a high percentage of Coloured employees, rising to 25% by the following January, even by way of rendering sufficient Whites redundant; this in the lofty cause of compensating for the exploitation of Coloureds in the past and the incompetence of Coloureds in the present. The firms were required to respond within 28 days by completing an undertaking of compliance.
The majority of firms were sufficiently attuned to the practice of pampering the Coloureds to supply forthwith the required undertaking, and straight away to plan to proceed towards its implementation. Others, however, not so cowed and conditioned as to proceed without protest, expressed objection. The Commission of course passionately disowned the letter as a wicked forgery by monstrous opponents of a multiracial paradise, but even so most employers believed that the letter really had come from the Commission, and that its contention of a forgery was only put forward when strong opposition was encountered.
This belief received much nourishment from the fact that the commission compromised its denial with the addition of a maladroit conclusion that, since the majority of firms had already accepted and embarked on the measure, it would be less of a disruption to adopt it as official. Whatever the feelings of the managements of the firms in the outcome, those of the displaced White workers were decidedly unfavourable not only to the Commission but also its parental regime, a happy state of affairs for the Freedom Fighters, and brought about at very little cost.
Council Housing Consternation
Another of many further successes in this fruitful field of activity was a bogus Home Office communication to local Councillors instructing them to prepare themselves for a massive increase in the influx of underprivileged persons from the Third World, preparations to include manipulation of the waiting lists for Council housing. This supposedly confidential communication was leaked to a substantial portion of the public by means of the surreptitious scattering in the populous places of leaflets reproducing the bogus communication. By word of mouth transmission the propagated scare quickly spread immensely further than the leaflet scattering which served simply as an igniter.
Imbued with the conviction that only by continually, severely and accumulatively straining and damaging the regime's system could liberation come about through that system's breakdown and thereby that regime's overthrow, the Freedom Force progressed in the variety and the scale of its activities of harassment and damage. This progression was along marked and measured by the triple essentials of study, training and practice, seen as the best way to success by the reduction of risk to the minimum.
Preparation for Disruption
Study meant the investigation and acquisition of necessary knowledge of all the departments and functions of the enemy state, including of course the police. It meant also the acquisition of all requisite information on all kinds of weapons and explosives, devices and procedures useful for operations against those departments and functions.
The study of the police meant the study of the methods of surveillance and interrogation and punishment practised by the new State Security Police, so as the better to face and resist these methods. Here was a major subject in itself, ranging from all the tricks to loosen the tongue with or without the use of drugs, to the techniques to bring about a collapse of resistance and cause a susceptibility to suggestion and direction by way of a denial or depletion of rest and nourishment assisting methods to cause unhinging anxiety and confusion; thus leading to a state of interactive physical debility and mental exhaustion destructive of will and reason and thus the personality.
Study for the BFF also meant the examination of the methods and the detection of the mistakes of previous organisations of at least a somewhat similar kind, so as to learn by them and avoid their mistakes. An example was the valiant and effective clandestine force in the USA, The Order, led by Bob Mathews, a force leader which had become a vivid inspiration for all for whom a war for the race had become a literal and not simply a rhetorical phrase.
Training was first of all a basic matter of promoting general fitness both physical and mental as essential for the role of the fighter. This meant attaining a high degree of health, agility and endurance. It also meant attaining a high degree of mental alertness encompassing an ability for swift observation and rapid memorising. One of the many exercises to this end consisted of showing trainees for but a few seconds an array of objects, then covering them, and then requiring those trainees to name them all. After this general preparation, training became the acquisition and application of prerequisite knowledge of ways and means of attacking the enemy and with various specialisations to this end.
The third essential -- practice -- meant the repeated rehearsal of the ways and means of particular attack on particular targets in the system, applying the results of study and training in precise dummy runs preceding any and every operation. Furthermore, every operation was not only preceded in this way as essential, but equally importantly, always followed by a thorough review involving a critical analysis to distinguish and learn by mistakes and imperfections. In this most diligent attention to detail in preparation and practice and review the fighters of the BFF distinguished themselves as true professionals in contrast to mere amateurs.
Alongside all of this in the study, training and practice of the BFF, great attention was paid to the matter of security in the sure knowledge that careless talk and careless conduct in other ways can so easily and so often cause the undoing of potentially highly productive ventures, well prepared but deficient in this vital aspect. To such a large extent the success of the police or allied counter-insurgent force comes not from superior skill and resources but from sheer carelessness of the members of the insurgent force in the matter of security.
Attacking the Offices
Thus prepared, the BFF proceeded to take on, step by step, operations of greater and increasing requirement and complexity. To begin with it engaged in nocturnal break-ins at tax offices, destroying records and thus creating chaos in the realm of revenue vital to the enemy state. The damage thus done in the way of disruption was enormous, and at the cost only of the time of a team of determined and proficient men and their few materials.
From this jumping-off point it diversified into sabotaging attacks on the whole range of governmental offices and repositories, both local and national, crippling first one and then another segment of the satanic state. Included in this, for example, were attacks on the outgoing arm of government finance -- complementing those on the intaking arm -- these being paralysing raids in principal Coloured areas on the offices of the Department of Social Security and its Benefits Agency which pays out social security benefits, shredding or otherwise destroying its records.
This sabotage was immediately and magnificently effective in the uproar and discontent it caused among the legions of habitual recipients of this and that subsidy. After all it was the prospect of this free-for-all which had attracted them to this country in the first place. The loss of it, and the resentment thereby generated against the authorities, who got the blame, caused many of them to give thought to returning whence they came, and thus depriving Britain of that immensity of enrichment which the government and its accomplices were forever proclaiming to have resulted from their presence here. In reality that government did not believe this balderdash. What it did believe was the greater security to its rule resulting from the presence of a great and growing Coloured population malleable in itself and conducive to an erosion of a racial sense and spirit among Whites through familiarising integration and interbreeding. The docility of the citizenry was the working aim of the dictatorship in disguise.
Obviously and undeniably a mass of ordinary Whites, and not just Coloureds, suffered inconvenience and loss in the course of these sabotaging onslaughts by the BFF on the vital and vulnerable bastions of bureaucracy in the enemy administration. This might be viewed as regrettable or even condemnable, but in the view of the BFF these ordinary Whties could not be exculpated and sympathised with as innocent victims because they were not such. Instead, by their grave fault of gutless apathy and inaction they had in effect aided and enabled the alien dictatorship in disguise to come about and remain. In any event, there could be no such thing as a painless revolution to remedy the result of that apathy and inaction of the general public. In the full analysis the pains of the revolution were most massively dwarfed by and thoroughly justified by the horrific harm and suffering brought about by the regime and the system the BFF fought to overthrow.
A powerful advance in discrediting the enemy was reached with the advent of a clandestine radio transmitter beamed on Britain's capital which began each nightly programme thus:
"Here is the Voice of Freedom, calling the people of London on 96 Mhz FM, challenging the lies and deceptions and misdeeds of the present regime of alien occupation and control."
This would be followed, in a broadcast never exceeding five minutes in length to make it difficult for detector vans to pinpoint the location, either by a swift exposure of some current policy or practice of the government or some brief recommendation of some simple act of resistance. In the latter category came such as the suggestion of dropping sugar into the petrol tank of a car belonging to some official or active supporter of the regime, a sport offering much in the way of disturbance for little in the way of effort.
The chemistry of the game was that very shortly after the driver started the engine, the sugar blended with the petrol to form a toffee-like substance which completely clogged the carburetor and feed-pipes of the car. This brought the car to a standstill, possibly in some truly awkward situation in traffic, necessitating it being towed away for the affected parts to be stripped down and cleaned out. A similar suggestion for immobilising a vehicle belonging to the enemy was to take a spark plug or plugs from the engine in order to insert sufficiently small oddments of metal into the cylinder or cylinders. The result, after the engine had been started, was an advance on the first suggestion, being not merely temporary blockage but devastating and permanent injury to the engine, needing total replacement.
The broadcast would end with the words:
"We will be back tomorrow night at [time] on this same wavelength, 96 Mhz FM. Be with us then for a Free Britain! Till then this is Freedom Radio, the voice of the British Freedom Force, going off the air."
One London unit, Number Three, was the one responsible for the capital's Freedom Radio. It had long beforehand lengthily researched the theory and practice of radio, its use 'illegally', and the means and methods of detection and its avoidance; all this to the level of experts.
Along with that it had studied and devised how to hide the equipment in the three vehicles it used, each manned by a pair of persons, to provide greater mobility and multiplication in broadcasting. This plurality meant that they could at three different locations in their area simultaneously broadcast the same message, thus increasing the coverage, while keeping small the risk of the location of each broadcast being pinpointed through cross referencing in time to close in on a vehicle before its departure, never again to use the same or nearby spot for broadcasting.
The whole of the equipment with the exception of a detachable microphone, which could be plugged into a socket filled at other times by a screw, was built into the bodywork, invisible therefore from the outside. The microphone itself was hidden in a small recess in the bodywork cleverly covered by a detachable panel. One would have to remove the vehicle's interior panelling to discover the secret therein.
How well the job of concealment had been done was proved by the fact that two of the three vehicles had once been stopped and scrutinised in separate spot-checks by the police, and passed as innocent to continue on their way.
Preparedness for all contingencies was a standard rule with all units of the BFF whenever engaged in any operation. Thus the occupants of the two vehicles had ready for the police a thoroughly plausible account for being where they were at the time they were stopped.
Another form of broadcasting took place on the occasion when another unit in another part of the country invaded and took charge temporarily of the station announcement room at Leeds railway station in the city centre, briefly holding captive the small staff there. In no more than two minutes a declaration of war on alien occupation and control and the repulsive renegades involved was delivered, the unit then making an unimpeded departure while surprise and uncertainty numbed staff as it did passengers, and before the police were summoned and could arrive.
You can readily imagine the impact on travellers there awaiting an announcement of the impending arrival of the 8.20am train from Newcastle-upon-Tyne to London when, instead of this, stentorian words of outright rebellion reached their ears. You can be certain that they carried those words with them down the line to many more startled recipients who in turn passed them on to many more as a sensation not to be missed.
Something similar happened to the announcement system at the bustling Victoria Coach Station in the centre of London one Saturday afternoon as crowds boarded and alighted from long-distance coaches to and from places all over the country. They were bombarded with a similarly brief and impressive announcement of rebellion which they took with them to wherever they were going, talking about it all along the way and to people in plenty at their destination.
Leicester, by now largely Asian, had busied itself preparing for a Racial Integration Day to replace the May Day festivities of old, deemed to be redolent of White racism. Its main streets were festooned in readiness for the great event when processions in praise of indiscrimiante human mixture would pass along for hours, helped on their way by exhortations and acclamations translated into various foreign tongues, interspersed with portions of Asian music, from an array of loudspeakers linked to a microphone in the town hall. Yet, just a few minutes before the scheduled start of official broadcasting from the loudspeakers, timed to start with the beginning of the processions, something went horribly wrong and quite spoiled the affair.
The mishap was in the form of a cunning connection introduced into the output cable from the microphone to the chain of loudspeakers. The output cable ran from the town hall by way of a nearby maintenance chamber in the ground which had been temporarily taken over that morning by a couple of men representative of a resurgent Britain, although dressed and equipped as though workmen of Leicester Council. They had connected to the output cable a tape recorder governed by a timer. You can imagine with what relish the pair of workmen from the BFF, as they did their little job, savoured the forthcoming embarrassment of the race-mixing dignitaries of Leicester in consequence of their contribution to the May Day festivities. This took the form of five minutes of fiery denunciation of the evil of racial integration and the vested interests behind it, delivered to the many thousands then packing the centre of Leicester.
The sequel was that thereafter the grievously upset civic authorities of Leicester spent a great deal of time and a great amount of money specially to safeguard any and every civic event in the future from any similarly diastrous disturbance. There in the Midlands as elsewhere across the length and breadth of the land those engaged in browning and blacking the country came to wonder and wince in their thought as to where and when the men of the BFF would next emerge to strike. All the advantage of surprise lay with the men in the shadows, they full well knew.
War It Was
Political warfare, positively pursued in guerrilla mode and not just talk, was the distinctive and precise purpose of the BFF in its sharp awareness of the vulnerability of the enemy state alongside its undoubted strength. The unimaginative nationalists in the conventional parties, captivated by their ingrained veneration of majorities in the masses derived from the illusion known as 'democracy' propagated by the exploiters of that illusion, had always decried militant, political warfare as impracticable fantasy, the immature dreaming of boyish bravado. Their argument had been that the indispensable and preceding requirement for success of such political warfare is a sufficiently substantial indeed massive base for it within the general public, something conspicuously lacking at the time and likely to remain so for the immediate future.
While the BFF recognised that a background of public support could sometimes be useful in respect of, for instance, supplies and hiding persons hunted by the enemy authorities, it also recognised the acute insecurity inherent in reliance on that support. Beyond this the fact was that the BFF was born in rejection of any notion that the particular range of operations which distinguished its role -- namely, small-scale, swift and brief attacks where personnel emerged from a carefully maintained cover of conventional life, struck, and then disappeared back into that cover -- depended on substantial support from the public, any more than common criminals escaped apprehension for spectactular robberies because of a support base in the general public.
The New War in 'Cyberspace'
Yet this disavowal of that supposed dependence on the general public, which is at the core of the democratic illusion whereby the manipulators of the system fool and exploit the population, did not mean that the BFF disregarded the general public and the value of its support as an auxiliary. Freedom Radio, described earlier on, was set up as a first measure of contact with the masses of the public, primarily for that large section of the London population devoid of computer connection to the Internet, and thus excluded from the community of cyberspace.
At the same time, the vision of the BFF was certainly not restricted to the old practice of clandestine radio with its geographical limitation. Instead the new force of uprising was acutely mindful of the fast and vast expansion of the Internet and e-mail discourse, so that the BFF made sure that it was fully abreast all the time of the developments and opportunities in this continually expanding new world of communication which the forces of repression of the present regime were largely unable to control. Right from the start, the innovative practitioners of insurgency were imaginatively alert to all the possibilities of what constituted a marvellous new sphere of unfettered political warfare, and they set about seeking to -- and succeeding in -- vigorously exploiting it.
A special unit was created for the purpose called Freedom Freeway, operating in elaborate circumstances of essential security. Inspirational information and incitement to resistance was plentifully disseminated, evading the censorship of the despots of democracy. Warfare by way of 'hacking' into and 'virus' strikes against enemy computers was continually conducted.
Additionally, a number of BFF 'spam houses' were set up in the United States (where free speech has some protection under the Constitution) thanks to the generous assistance of White patriots in that country. These 'spam houses', like their commercial equivalents, had sophisticated computer equipment which enabled them to 'scan' the Internet for new e-mail addresses and to deluge them with all manner of messages, apparently sent by different entities using -- apparently -- different Internet Service Providers. The names of these sending entities and their 'ISPs' were changed continually. Some of these messages were propaganda sympathetic to the policy positions of the BFF; though never in the name of the BFF, which had been designated by the American government as a "terrorist organisation" against which U.S. anti-terrorism laws would apply. Other 'positive' messages were in the form of bulletins giving information suppressed by the alien-dominated mass media in Britain. 'Negative' messages were also poured out in the form of various types of 'black propaganda' and 'disinformation,' purportedly issued either by supporters of Jewish power and multi-racialism or "independent" news organisations -- or seemingly apolitical and wholly shameless scandal-mongers.
In short, the BFF sought and succeeded in attaining proficiency in adopting and adapting all the plentiful potentialities of the open territory of cyberspace drastically to damage the interests of the tyrants of Britain's ruination, and to advance the uprising.
Copies of Mr. Jordan's The Uprising are available in paperback for $10 apiece from: NS Publications, POB 270486, Milwaukee WI 53227.
Bio: Colin Jordan was born in 1923 in Birmingham, England. He attended Warwick School where he won a university scholarship in History.
Volunteering for the Fleet Air Arm, but unsuccessful on a pilot's course, he transferred to the Royal Air Force. While on deferred service awaiting flying training, his political ideas so developed that at the end of 1944, when deferred service personnel were transferred to the Army as then surplus to requirements, he declared his political opposition to the war and his support for a negotiated peace. As a result he was sent to the Royal Army Medical Corps in which he later became a unit educational instructor.
On demobilisation he took up his adjourned studies at Cambridge University. While doing so he also organised a University Nationalist Club, served on the staff of the University newspaper Varsity, and was a front bench speaker in debates at the Union Society. In 1949 he graduated with an Honours Degree.
While at Cambridge he had joined the British Peoples Party and been elected to its National Council, and on leaving Cambridge he founded a Birmingham Nationalist Club which he conducted until moving to Leeds to take up a teaching post, and later moving to the Scottish Highlands as representative for a major company. During this period his first book, Fraudulent Conversion, was published in 1955.
Returning to the Midlands and to teaching, he joined the League of Empire Loyalists, becoming its Midlands Organiser, before founding the White Defense League in 1958. This merged with another orgaisation in 1960 to form a British National Party of which he was the chief officer, and from it emerged the National Socialist Movement under his leadership.
Solely because of the NSM's July 1962 Trafalgar Square rally, Colin Jordan was dismissed from his teaching post and disqualified as a teacher. He was then prosecuted and convicted for his speech at the rally and for his part in the NSM's defence corps, and given a total of ten months imprisonment. In 1967 he was gaoled again, given 18 months for his writings.
In 1968 the NSM was replaced by the British Movement under his leadership. In 1975 personal commitments obliged his retirement.
Moving to the Yorkshire of his paternal ancestors, he has since confined himself to his writings.
More on Jordan's legal battles here. More here on battles with jew Jack Straw.