The Pearl Harbor Conspiracy
20 September 2004
A review of Day of Deceit, by Robert Stinnett (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000, 386 pages)
The question on people's mind -- truly, a good many folks -- regarding 9-11 is would President George W. Bush really have acceded to the murder of 3000 souls, so cold-bloodedly? And the answer may be shocking even to think about seriously - yes.
Why wouldn't have Bush so acceded when the FACT -- and I'm speaking now of an absolutely verified, totally confirmed past event in the history of reality -- is that that was precisely what Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR) did on 7 Dec. 1941.
According to Robert Stinnett, the painstaking author of Day of Deceit (Simon & Schuster, 2000), FDR had to do it, for heaven's sake, as it was for the greater good, and you just have to understand, okay? Stinnett writes in his epilogue, "...the Pearl Harbor (PH) attack was...something that had to be endured in order to stop a greater evil -- the Nazi invaders in Europe who had begun the Holocaust and were poised to invade England.... Roosevelt faced a terrible dilemma." Stinnett later adds, "[the truth] told here does not diminish [FDR's] magnificent contributions to the American people. His legacy should not be tarnished by the truth." Ponder that for a moment: his legacy should not be tarnished by...the truth. Geez, you'd think we were talking about MLK or something.
Of course the truth is PH was mere part of the larger conspiracy for world domination/dictatorship by oligarchs through the United Nations, as we learn fm the John Birchers (JBS.org), among so many others.
Stinnett's Day... is a monumental work of scholarship; perhaps that's why you never heard of it, though it was actually, in fact, published by an establishment house, though they still surely want to forget all about it. There are over 100 pages of notes in fine print, index, and appendices containing eye-opening information and copies of documents regarding the large PH conspiracy, including the cover-up afterwards and the conspiracy to put the blame on the local commanders, Admiral H. Kimmel, Commander in Chief of US Navy Pacific Forces (there was yet another "Far East" fleet based in the US possession of the Philippines, under a different command, Admiral Thomas Hart) and Army Lt. Gen. Short.
But then again, why should it matter that such inflammatory material be published by a major New York house? It could be published on the front page of the New York Times every morning for a year, and it still wouldn't make a difference. With all the stupid but exciting crap on TV, what difference does such information make to a "nation of sheep"? But one can say this: it does indubitably answer the question about George W. Bush even hesitating to sign off on an operation designed to kill -- sacrifice for the greater good -- a mere two or three thousand American citizens -- who cares? For who cared about those poor suckers and victims of PH on 7 Dec. 1941? -- for practical purposes, no one, certainly not in this present culture of MAMMON and moralistic suckers who believe so fervently in "good-evil."
Stinnett, who calls himself an amateur scholar, spent seventeen years on Day of Deceit; he's extremely strong on so many of the particular details for PH, but quite weak on circumstances, esp. historical -- he takes the FDR propaganda at face value. But Stinnett does at least covers the later investigations into the planned fiasco, one taking place as late as 1995. It was only through bureaucratic incompetence that Stinnett was able to ferret out the most revealing documents and details.
Stinnett effectively demonstrates that FDR conspired to provoke Japan to attack and strike first, specifically at PH where Kimmel, the Navy's Pacific Commander, was constrained to allow the attack and to sustain the fearful casualty total -- and take the blame. Stinnett acknowledges in the Preface the general "isolationist" circumstances of the time, under which the vast majority of Americans opposed involvement in European war. FDR "was forced to find circuitous means to persuade an isolationist America to join in a fight for freedom," Stinnett fatuously writes.
Next (chapter 2), Stinnett tells us about Lt. Commander Arthur McCollum, FDR's "router" for intelligence communications, head of the Far East desk of ONI (Office of Naval Intelligence) in Washington, D.C. On Oct. 7, 1940, McCollum submitted a detailed memo outlining an 8-point plan by which to provoke war with Japan. Stinnett shows how the plan was followed to the letter by FDR.
Stinnett gives the reader a glimpse of FDR the Clintonesque liar, calling in his drinking crony, William Donovan, to lay a nice fat lie on him -- no doubt for the purpose of looking to see how his putrid lie would "take." As it's inconceivable that Donovan would dare to expose FDR, the vile, murderous conspirator, it's obviously a vision of the criminal in the act of convincing himself and rehearsing an act he will subsequently lay on on everyone else. FDR told Donovan, "[t]hey caught our ships like lame ducks! Lame ducks, Bill. We told them, at Pearl Harbor and everywhere else, to have the look-outs manned. But they still took us by surprise."
The nut of the problem from Japan's perspective: to continue its war in China, it needed oil. Without oil, Japan was confronted with the prospect of giving up practically everything regarding its empire, for FDR conspired with the British and the Dutch to embargo oil supplies. Without oil, there was no way Japan could defend its empire.
The Japanese, through Prince Konoye, offered to give in all American demands, including removal fm China, to prevent embargo. The Americans refused and added fresh demands (for these details, check Design For War, by Frederic R. Sanborn). Meantime the Americans were already engaged in the war against Germany, supplying the British through "Lend-Lease," convoying supplies to Britain, and actively engaging German ships and submarines in combat - all contrary to the letter of law and the will of Congress. FDR and his co-conspirators knew the Congress could be deceived and intimidated. They knew there no unified force could be brought against them, law and morality be damned. Realpolitik at its finest. History is written by the victors, and FDR and clan won. Today even the historians who point out what they actually were about celebrate their lying, or at least reduce it to the level of misdemeanor. What works once, American saps, will be practiced again and again and again.
Getting back to American-Japanese relations, there's also the significant fact that by late 1940 the Americans had deciphered the Japanese government communications coding systems, including "Purple," the major diplomatic code.
In January of 1941 newly promoted Japanese Admiral Yamamoto began to plan in detail for a surprise attack on the PH base in Hawaii. American sources soon detected the planning and duly passed the info to the State Dept. which passed it on to ONI, none other than the aforementioned McCollum, who observed how well his strategy was working and now confirmed. Further still, Walter S. Anderson had been promoted to Rear Admiral, Commander of Battleships at PH; he was formerly none other than Director of Naval Intelligence and knew of the success in breaking the Japanese military and diplomatic codes. Yet he failed to inform his superior officer, Admiral Kimmel of this development. Kimmel well understood the necessity of having all possible information and intelligence and duly made it a point so to remind his superiors in Washington with repeated requests. Stinnett writes that by July 1941 Kimmel had been cut off "completely" fm Washington's info thanks to the conspiratorical complicity of such as the above-named W.S. Anderson and Kimmel's own intelligence officer, Lt. Commander Edwin Layton.
The FDR Pearl Harbor conspiracy is outlined in the first four chapters of Day of Deceit; the rest of the book gives the gory details. The reader is left no possible doubt regarding the conspiracy and knowledge of the principals. Day damns FDR and his ring, and indirectly it damns democracy, since its finest fruits have no faith that the peole should be given information and trusted to make decisions. They are to be duped and used whenver their preference diverges from the elite's.
Chapter five exposits the "splendid arrangement" by which radio direction finders, posted throughout the Pacific Rim by the U.S. military, including on the Hawaiian islands themselves, exactly and precisely tracked and plotted the movement of the great Japanese fleet (including no less than six aircraft carriers) that attacked on 7 Dec '41. The attack was no surprise, and the Japanese did not observe a serious "radio silence" as claimed by the US government.
This "splendid arrangement" in 1941 comprised "twenty-five...radio intercept stations, including four cryptographic centers..." Here's a tidbit: FDR first learned of Hitler's plan to invade Russia through an intercept and decryption of a Japanese Purple message, according to Stinnett.
In chapter seven Stinnett writes about the spy sent to Hawaii by the Japanese, Tadashi Morimura; his significance is in verification of the planning indicated fm the radio decryptions. Morimura sent back info consistent with an imminently planned attack complete with bombplot charts for the PH area. Stinnett ends chapter seven speculating upon the conspiracy among the navy communications officers to keep Admiral Kimmel uninformed. Not only was Kimmel effectively hamstrung by the deliberate withholding of vital and crucial information, but Stinnett shows principals, including Joseph Rochefort, the navy communications officer in Hawaii, and the above-named Edwin Layton, deliberately withheld such crucial evidence from investigators after the war.
In chapter eight Stinnett painstakingly goes over all the evidence he amassed regarding the archived copies of radio communications proving how well FDR and co. were keeping informed upon the Japanese political leaders' plans from the time FDR effected the entire eight-point McCollum plan by July of 1941. The Japanese reacted immediately, drafting an additional half-million men, recalling their merchant marine from around the world, and recalling units stationed in China -- for reassembling into the forces that would attack Hawaii and the US-held Philippines.
In chapter nine Stinnett details FDR's orders that Kimmel abandon the ocean north of Hawaii -- for the obvious purpose of clearing a way for Japanese attackers. FDR wanted to make sure the Japanese would do greatest damage (and cause heaviest loss of American life) so as to insure Congressional declaration of war. At the same time FDR ordered the aircraft carriers stationed at PH on missions which would be sure to keep the carriers away fm the action on the fatal day of the Japanese surprise attack.
In chapter ten Stinnett describes a press conference held on Nov. 15, 1941, by Army Chief of Staff Gen. George Marshall, who briefed reporters to effect that the US would be at war no later than ten days into December, such was Washington's certainty, based on information it deliberately withheld from Kimmel. Kimmel knew from his limited information that a large Japanese force had been assembled and was moving ominously towards him, but he was deliberately kept otherwise uninformed by both the Washington strategists and his own subordinate officers whose very job was precisely that - to keep him him informed of imminent attacks.
FDR so intently followed developments that he directed that not only summaries of reports be brought to him, but the "raw intercepts" themselves. On 28 Nov., Admiral Stark, the US Navy Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) ordered Kimmel to "undertake no offensive action until Japan has committed an overt act." On 27 Nov. Gen. Short, the Army commander, was ordered by Gen. Marshall's adjutant to take "precautions" against "subversive" and "sabotage" activities. Thus planes on ground were bunched together for guarding, making them vulnerable to air attack.
In chapter eleven Stinnett puts emphasis upon the complete American intelligence mastery of the situation. In sum, American intelligence knew everything, including the position of ships and the texts of messages directly indicating war and imminent attack on PH. When the Japanese changed radio call signs for their ships abruptly at midnight Nov. 30, the Americans knew immediately and confirmed practically all the new call signs by 5 Dec.
However, Rochefort at Hawaii ignored the confirmation and did not inform Kimmel.
Stinnett provides the text of a message from Nov. 25th from McCollum indicating FDR was moving to avoid further info for purpose of "plausible deniability." In chapt. twelve Stinnett confirms an earlier author, John Toland (Infamy), who demonstrated the American verification of the Japanese fleet positions fm Nov 30 to Dec 4th, information which was withheld fm numerous postwar investigations.
In chapter thirteen Stinnett details certain lies regarding Kimmel's subordinates, Rochefort and Layton, who continued to pretend they knew nothing (or too little) of the approaching Japanese fleet, and outright lies regarding "radio silence" -- which the Japanese did not observe with any seriousness.
In chapter fourteen Stinnett details the deliberate refusal of Gen. Marshall to send the obligatory warning to Hawaii regarding the unmistakeable information they had on the imminent attack upon PH.
In chapter fifteen Stinnett comments on other targets Japan might have attacked to greater effect - i.e., various naval facilities with huge stores of fuel whose destruction might have delayed the American reinforcement of Hawaii and allowed the later Japanese invasion force, stopped at Midway about six months later, to advance against far less opposition.
Admiral Kimmel, note the German name, was made the fall guy, demoted to Rear Admiral. This injustice has never been rectified, though Kimmel's family made its last appeal for Congressional redress in 1995.
In the Epilogue Stinnett comments on the cover-up "investigation" in the immediate aftermath of the attack, and investigation whose report was described by Admiral James Richardson, Kimmel's predecessor in command of the Pacific Fleet, as "unfair, unjust, and deceptively dishonest document...."
Rear Admiral Noyes, Navy Director of Communications at the time, broke the law when he ordered notes to be destroyed. Such obstruction of justice and destruction of evidence was committed by numerous figures including the Fleet Admiral Ernest King. Stinnett ends his text with the statement that an immeasurable debt is owed to the "silent survivors" who were not allowed to testify upon the truth of what took place at PH in early Dec. 1941.
The frightening significance of FDR's Pearl Harbor conspiracy, bad enough by itself, is that we cannot trust anything the government says about what happened on 9/11, and indeed, in light of subsequent happenings and revelations about neoconservative jews, would be wiser to start by assuming the government knew about or produced the catastrophe itself.
Put yourself it the position of Bush, exposed to the truth about Pearl Harbor by jews urging him on another. He who controls the papers, the television, the courts and the military never has to say he's sorry. Never has to explain everything. Why wouldn't he have bought it? Note the explicit neo-con reference to "another Pearl Harbor" in their infamous paper ("A Clean Break") proposing an attack on Iraq. It is more than difficult to see 9/11 as anything other than a "follow-up," a logical continuation, a replay.